Timothy Garton Ash, who was in Poland at that time, wrote that Solidarity's mobilisation of its members was swift and effective, making it "the most impressive democratic mass mobilisation of any modern European society in peacetime, against its rulers' wishes".[11] In his opinion, Poland looked like a country going to war, with national red and white flags everywhere, and the women making red and white armbands for men who were to guard the occupied factories. The National Strike Committee was established in Gdańsk, in the cradle of Solidarity – the Lenin Shipyard. Its members were Lech Wałęsa, Andrzej Gwiazda, Zbigniew Bujak, Andrzej Cierniewski, Lech Dymarski, Krzysztof Gotowski, Marian Jurczyk, Ryszard Kalinowski, Antoni Kopczewski, Bogdan Lis and Andrzej Słowik.[12]
Soon came three Solidarity's instructions to the workers:
Apart from the National Strike Committee, several Interfactory Founding Committees (MKZ) were created in major cities. For security reasons, these offices were moved to large factories for the time of the strike, no matter how long it was planned to be. Therefore:
The preparations of the strike reflected an unprecedented level of planning, and in effect, worker fortresses were created across poland, patrolled by round-the-clock guards[1] and the strike itself is until today regarded as the biggest organisational success of Solidarity, with virtually all working people of Poland participating in it.[13] Historians from the Institute of National Remembrance claim that in late March 1981, Solidarity was at the "peak of its popularity",[14] and this fact was reflected on Friday, 27 March 1981. The strike itself took place "in an atmosphere of calm, order, and dignity."[9]
Even though virtually all Polish workers took part in it, basic services and crucial industrial plants, such as steelworks and armament factories, were operating without breaks. Nevertheless, Solidarity announced that these plants would go on strike as well in the event of armed intervention. Almost all schools, universities and colleges joined the strike, as well as public television (at the time, there were no private television stations in Poland). Television screens in Poland showed during the four hours of protest the words "Solidarity-Strike"[2] and the whole country was brought to a halt. Those who had to keep working, like employees of hospitals, put on white–red armbands, to express their solidarity.
Aftermath[edit]
After four hours, at midday, the sirens across the country sounded and Poland went back to work. The size of the strike shocked the leadership of the Polish United Workers' Party, especially when it turned out that members of the party had widely participated (at that time, Solidarity had some 9 million members, but 12–14 million people took part in the strike). Meanwhile, Lech Wałęsa's advisors, such as Tadeusz Mazowiecki and Bronisław Geremek, told the leader of Solidarity that the general strike, planned for 30 March, would mean civil war and the risk was too high. Diplomats from Western countries were also aware of the tense situation in Poland; therefore, military attaches from the United Kingdom, the United States and West Germany were ordered not to leave Poland. In case of a Soviet invasion of Poland, the Americans were planning a military blockade and invasion of Cuba.[15]
On 30 March 1981, the government of Poland reached an agreement with Solidarity. The government of Poland conceded to demands regarding police brutality but the agreement to legalise Rural Solidarity was postponed, as well as further steps on the issue of political prisoners. The government acknowledged its mishandling of the Bydgoszcz events,[3] and in return, Lech Wałęsa agreed to postpone the general strike.