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Foreign relations of Iran

Geography is an important factor in informing Iran's foreign policy.[1] Following the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the newly formed Islamic Republic, under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini, dramatically reversed the pro-American foreign policy of the last Shah of Iran Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Since the country's policies then oscillated between the two opposing tendencies of revolutionary ardour to eliminate non-Muslim Western influences while promoting the Islamic revolution abroad, and pragmatism, which would advance economic development and normalization of relations, bilateral dealings can be confused and contradictory.

According to data published by the Reputation Institute, Iran is the world's second least internationally reputable country, just ahead of Iraq, and has held that position for the three consecutive years of 2016, 2017, and 2018.[2][3] Islamism and nuclear proliferation are recurring issues with Iran's foreign relations. In a series of international polls by Pew Research in 2012, only one country (Pakistan) had the majority of its population supporting Iran's right to acquire nuclear arms; every other population polled overwhelmingly rejected a nuclear-armed Iran (90–95% opposed in the polled European, North American, and South American countries), and majorities in most of them were in favor of military action to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran from materializing. Additionally, the majority of Americans, Brazilians, Japanese, Mexicans, Egyptians, Germans, Britons, French, Italians, Spaniards, and Poles (among other national groups) had majority support for "tougher sanctions" on Iran, while majorities in China, Russia, and Turkey opposed tougher sanctions.[4]

Background[edit]

Iranians have traditionally been highly sensitive to foreign interference in their country, pointing to such events as the Russian conquest of northern parts of the country in the course of the 19th century, the tobacco concession, the British and Russian occupations of the First and Second World Wars, and the CIA plot to overthrow Prime Minister Mohammed Mosaddeq. This suspicion manifests itself in attitudes that many foreigners might find incomprehensible, such as the "fairly common" belief that the Iranian Revolution was actually the work of a conspiracy between Iran's Shi'a clergy and the British government.[5] This may have been a result of the anti-Shah bias in BBC Radio's influential Persian broadcasts into Iran: a BBC report of 23 March 2009 explains that many in Iran saw the broadcaster and the government as one, and interpreted the bias for Khomeini as evidence of weakening British government support for the Shah. It is entirely plausible that the BBC did indeed help hasten revolutionary events.[6]

by which Iran irrevocably lost Mesopotamia (Iraq) to the Ottomans. Roughly settled the modern-day Iran-Iraq-Turkey borders

Treaty of Zuhab

1813, by which Iran irrevocably lost Georgia, Dagestan, and most of Azerbaijan.

Treaty of Gulistan

1828, by which Iran irrevocably lost Armenia and the remainder of the contemporary Republic of Azerbaijan (comprising the Lankaran and Nakchivan khanates.

Treaty of Turkmenchay

Treaty of Akhal

(by which Iran renounced claims over Herat and parts of Afghanistan)

Treaty of Paris (1857)

Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907

Iran and restored diplomatic relations in 1990, but they are still trying to work out written agreements settling outstanding disputes from their eight-year war concerning border demarcation, prisoners of war, and freedom of navigation in and sovereignty over the Shatt al-Arab waterway.

Iraq

Iran governs and possesses in the Persian Gulf claimed by the UAE: Lesser Tunb (which the UAE calls Tunb as Sughra in Arabic, and Iran calls Jazireh-ye Tonb-e Kuchek in Persian) and Greater Tunb (Arabic Tunb al Kubra, Persian Jazireh-ye Tonb-e Bozorg).

two islands

Iran jointly administers with the UAE an island in the Persian Gulf claimed by the UAE (Arabic Abu Musa, Persian, Jazireh-ye Abu Musa), over which Iran has taken steps to exert unilateral control since 1992, including access restrictions.

The between Azerbaijan, Iran, and Turkmenistan are not yet determined, although this problem is set to be resolved peacefully in the coming years through slow negotiations. After the breakup of the USSR, the newly independent republics bordering the Caspian Sea claimed shares of territorial waters and the seabed, thus unilaterally abrogating the existing half-and-half USSR-Iran agreements which, like all other Soviet treaties, the republics had agreed to respect upon their independence. It has been suggested by these countries that the Caspian Sea should be divided in proportion to each bordering country's shoreline, in which case Iran's share would be reduced to about 13%. The Iranian side has expressed eagerness to know if this means that all Irano–Russian and –Soviet agreements are void, entitling Iran to claim territorial sovereignty over lands lost to Russia by treaties that the parties still consider vivant. Issues between Russia, Kazakhstan, and Azerbaijan were settled in 2003, but Iran does not recognize these agreements, on the premise that the international law governing open water can not be applied to the Caspian Sea, which is in fact a lake (a landlocked body of water). Iran has not pressed its Caspian territorial claims in recent years because it relies heavily on Russia's support in its nuclear-development battle with the West.

Caspian Sea borders

Ministry of Foreign Affairs[edit]

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Iran is selected by the President of Iran.

Bilateral relations[edit]

Africa[edit]

In 2010, Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki said it was a principle of the government to boost ties with African states. Some signs of disillusionment began to emerge when 20 African nations threatened to close their embassies in Tehran following what they saw as Ahmadinejad's failure to live up to the promises he made during his trips to Africa.[196] The Iranian government was not deterred by the misadventures, and some think it considers African countries strategically necessary to enable it to receive international support for its much criticized nuclear program.

International organization participation[edit]

Iran is the member of the following organizations: ALBA (observer), BRICS, Colombo Plan, UNESCAP, ECO, FAO, GECF, G-15, G-24, G-77, IAEA, IBRD, ICC, ICAO, IDA, International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, IFC, IFAD, IHO, ILO, IMO, IMSO, IMF, IOC, IOM, ISO, International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, ITU, Interpol, IDB, NAM, OPEC, OPCW, OIC, PCA, SCO, SAARC (observer), UNESCO, UNCTAD, UNIDO, UNODC, United Nations, UPU, WCO WFTU, WHO, WMO, WTO (observer).

Axis of Resistance

International rankings of Iran

Iranian citizens abroad

Geography of Iran

Iran–Contra Affair

Iran–Iraq War

List of diplomatic missions in Iran

List of diplomatic missions of Iran

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1747

Foreign Direct Investment in Iran

Middle East economic integration

Shia crescent

Hormuz Peace Initiative

Academic relations between Iran and the United States

Dr. Abbas Maleki and Dr. Kaveh L. Afrasiabi, [Reading in Iran's Foreign Policy After 11 September], Booksurge, 2008.

Dr. Abbas Maleki and Dr. Kaveh L. Afrasiabi, "Iran's Foreign Policy Since 11 September"], Brown's Journal of World Affairs, 2003.

Dr. Kaveh L. Afrasiabi,[After Khomeini: New Directions in Iran's Foreign Policy], Westview, 1994.

Dr. Mahjoob Zweiri,

Iranian Foreign Policy: Between Ideology and Pragmatism

Sharashenidze, Tornike: "The Role of Iran in the South Caucasus" in the

Caucasus Analytical Digest No. 30

Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Translation to 48 languages of First Letter of Iran's Supreme Leader following Paris attacks, 21 January 2015, TEXT and AUDIO