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Media freedom in Russia

The current government of Russia maintains laws and practices that make it difficult for directors of mass-media outlets to carry out independent policies. These laws and practices also hinder the ability of journalists to access sources of information and to work without outside pressure. Media inside Russia includes television and radio channels, periodicals, and Internet media, which according to the laws of the Russian Federation may be either state or private property.

As of 2023, Russia ranked 164 out of 180 countries in the Press Freedom Index compiled by Reporters Without Borders.[2] Despite the constitution's provision of freedom of speech, the authorities possess significant discretion to suppress any speech, organization, or activity lacking official support due to ambiguous extremism laws. The government dominates the media landscape by controlling the majority of the national television networks, radio and print outlets, and media advertising market, either directly or through state-owned enterprises and friendly business magnates.[3]


Multiple international organizations have criticized and continue to criticize various aspects of the contemporary press-freedom situation in Russia.[4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11] The Russian government engages in internet censorship.[12]

In August 2014 the -based publisher Lev Shlosberg, member of the opposition Yabloko party, suffered a serious attack that left him unconscious. He claims the attack was related to his paper's investigations on the deployment of Russian soldiers from Pskov to Ukraine.[30]

Pskov

In August 2014 the investigative reporter Aleksandr Krutov was attacked and beaten in - the fourth time in his 20-year career in covering crime for a local publication.[30]

Saratov

In September 2014 a TV crew reporting on fraud was attacked in . Their equipment was destroyed and the videographer was injured.[30]

Novosibirsk

In December 2014, in , the editor in chief of taiga.info was beaten by two men in the website premises.[30]

Novosibirsk

On 30 July 2018, Orkhan Dzhemal (son of ), was killed along with film director Alexander Rastorguev and cameraman Kirill Radchenko in the Central African Republic while filming a documentary about the activities of illegal Russian military formations in the CAR.[31]

Geydar Dzhemal

In June 2019, investigative journalist was arrested and allegedly beaten in custody[32]

Ivan Golunov

In 2021, left Russia after he was placed on "wanted" list by FSB for alleged "illegal crossing of border."[33]

Roman Dobrokhotov

In June 2015, Alexandr Byvshev, the poet whose works were banned as "extremist" earlier, was also listed on the official "list of terrorists and extremists" maintained by the Federal Service for Financial Monitoring (Росфинмониторинг, Rosfinmonitoring) and a "spontaneous collective condemnation" campaign was started in his village described as Soviet-esque by independent media.[59]

[58]

's book "Blowing Up Russia" was also listed as an "extremist publication" and banned in 2015.[60]

Litvinenko

In November 2015, just before the anniversary in Ukraine, the articles of Raphael Lemkin, who coined the term genocide and used it to describe the Holodomor, were also added to the federal index of extremist materials in Russia.[61]

Holodomor

In February 2016, police in confiscated a whole print run of a book by a Polish war-time author Jan Nowak-Jeziorański because of an allegedly "extremist content" (mentions of Nazi-Soviet collaboration during World War II).[62]

Saint Petersburg

In 2017 an image of Putin as a "gay clown" was added as item 4071, as a result of a 2016 legal case against social media activist A. V. Tsvetkov.[64]

[63]

In October 2018 customs office in Saint Petersburg stopped a single copy of book "Future is History: How Totalitarianism Reclaimed Russia" by , ordered on Amazon by a lawyer Sergey Golubok. DHL requested a declaration from Golubok that "the book does not contain extremist content" prior to delivery, and a few days later customs office requested him to certify that the book "does not spread specific views". The book is not sold in Russia, but it's also not in the "register of extremist materials".[65][66]

Masha Gessen

Coordinated measures are being applied to movies that do not follow Russia's currently preferred official version of historical events, including fiction and documentary movies. Preemptive "inspections" by the prosecutor general office, Ministry of Culture and other official organs, as well as not issuing a required "screening license" was used to harass directors and block widespread shows of films such as , "Holiday" (rus. Праздник) by Andrey Krassovski,[67] Child 44, Ordered to forget.[68]

The Death of Stalin

Doctors and medical personnel from complaining about lack of overtime payments related to the COVID-19 crisis were accused of "carrying out extremist activities" by police.[69]

Abinsk

A Russian cover of the song "Kill the poor" was deemed "extremist" and banned countrywide.[70]

Dead Kennedys

A 1961 chemistry textbook was banned, as a chapter on synthesis of was described by court as "undermining security of the country".[71]

ketones

Russia's requires telecommunications operators to install hardware provided by the Federal Security Service (FSB). It allow the agency to unilaterally monitor users' communications metadata and content, including phone calls, email traffic and web browsing activity.[86] Metadata can be obtained without a warrant.[86] In 2014, the system was expanded to include social media platforms, and the Ministry of Communications ordered companies to install new equipment with Deep Packet Inspection (DPI) capability.[86] In 2015, the European Court for Human Rights found Russia's SORM surveillance legislation and practice in violation of the European Convention on Human Rights (Zakharov v. Russia).

System of Operational-Investigatory Measures (SORM)

The law (2012) faced criticism by major websites and NGOs on it launch.[87] At the time of introduction the list was described as a means for the protection of children from harmful content; particularly content which glorifies drug usage, advocates suicide or describes suicide methods, or contain child pornography.[87] In 2013 the blacklist law was amended with a clause to block content "suspected in extremism". It was expanded to include actions such as "calling for illegal meetings", "inciting hatred" and any other actions "violating the established order".[88][89][90] During the 2014 Crimea Crisis, Roskomnadzor blocked a number of websites criticising Russian policy in Ukraine, including pages of Alexei Navalny, Garri Kasparov and Grani.ru.[91] In July 2014, the online extremism law was used to prevent a march for Siberian autonomy.[30] In subsequent years, it has been used to block caricatures of Vladimir Putin[92] and LGBTQ content.[93]

Russian internet blacklist

The "Bloggers law" (2014), an amendment to existing legislation, requires all web services to store the user data of Russian citizens on servers within the country. Sites which do not comply with this requirement may be added to the blacklist.[94][95] Since August 2014, the law requires operators of free Wi-Fi hotspots (e.g. in restaurants, libraries, cafes etc.) to collect personal details of all users and identify them using passports.[96]

anti-terrorism

The "" (2016) requires telecom operators to store recordings of phone conversations, text messages and users' internet traffic for up to 6 months, as well as metadata for up to 3 years. This data as well as "all other information necessary" is available to authorities on request and without a court order.[97]

Yarovaya law

Russia was found to engage in selective Internet filtering in the political and social areas; no evidence of filtering was found in the conflict/security and Internet tools areas by the OpenNet Initiative in December 2010.[82] Russia was on the Reporters Without Borders list of countries under surveillance from 2010 to 2013[83] and was moved to the Internet Enemies list in 2014.[84] On 31 March 2013, The New York Times reported that Russia was beginning 'Selectively Blocking [the] Internet'.[85]


Social media platforms came under increased pressure in 2014. In April the founder of Vkontakte, Pavel Durov, announced he'd resign and leave the country due to FSB intimidation, after he refused to hand over the account data of Ukrainian activists. In September 2014 Vkontakte was taken over by mail.ru, owned by Kremlin-friendly businessman Alisher Usmanov.[30]

In a three-year court case beginning in 2008, , Dagestan's largest independent newspaper, saw its editor-in-chief Nadira Isayeva and several reporters prosecuted on charges of "inciting hatred toward law enforcement officials" following criticism of the Federal Security Service's counterinsurgency tactics.[109] Reporters Without Borders, Committee to Protect Journalists,[110] and ARTICLE 19 all protested the charges,[111] and Isayeva was ultimately acquitted. She described the case as "a test for the institution of press freedom" in Dagestan.[112]

Chernovik

Prosecutors in Russia have the custom of charging individuals – including journalists, bloggers, and whistle-blowers – with trumped-up criminal offenses including defamation, extremism, and other common criminal charges, as part of an effort to deter and limit their activities.[30]


Judicial harassment of the blogger and politician Aleksey Navalny continued in 2014. Navalny was fined $8,400 in April for defaming a Moscow city councillor on Twitter. In December he was sentenced to three and a half years (with suspended sentence) together with his brother Oleg Navalny upon fraud charges. Roskomnadzor warned four media that reported on the sentence and relied a video of Navalny calling for demonstration, accusing them of inciting extremism.[30] On August 20, 2020, Navalny was poisoned and nearly died. The Russian government refused to open any investigation into the poisoning, which is suspected by many to have been carried out by government agents as retaliation for Navalny's investigations of political corruption and his activities in the Russian opposition movement.[113]


Many Russian media outlets were forced to stop covering the Russian invasion of Ukraine because of new Russia's laws on “fake news”. Leading speakers of several YouTube video blogs with large audiences have also become defendants in the "law on fakes". In particular, criminal cases were initiated against Maxim Katz of channel "Maxim Katz" and Anastasia Bryukhanova of channel "Objective".[114][115]

"Outsiders." , Kommersant, Forbes, Novaya Gazeta, Lenta.ru (until March 2014), TV Rain, The Moscow Times, and others. These have a more Western media approach to covering events. These media sources are outside the official Kremlin viewpoint.[202]

Vedomosti

"Our guys." , Russia-24, VGTRK, and the Aram Gabrelyanov media family — Zhizn, Lifenews.ru and Izvestia. This group can access exclusive interviews of Kremlin officials but the Kremlin expects certain "services" in return. To keep this group inline, it is up to several central figures such as Alexei Gromov and Mikhail Lesin, who began the task, and later they were joined by first Vladislav Surkov, and then his replacement Vyacheslav Volodin. To replace the Kremlin handlers, special yellow telephones, which are "media hotlines" to the Kremlin, have been installed on the "Our guys" editors desks since the mid-2000s.[202]

Komsomolskaya Pravda

"In-betweeners." the commercial radio station (majority owned by Gazprom-Media) and the Interfax news agency may not always have access to Kremlin authorities, but occasionally can have a story.[202]

Ekho Moskvy

Human rights in Russia

Mat (Russian profanity) § Legal issues

List of journalists killed in Russia

List of websites blocked in Russia

Media freedom in the United States

Media of Russia

Political repression of cyber-dissidents § Russia

Russian Internet blacklist

Telecommunications in Russia

Media related to Freedom of the press in Russia at Wikimedia Commons

. mmdc.ru. Retrieved 15 May 2017.

"Mass Media Defence Center"

. rsf.org/. Retrieved 15 May 2017.

"World Press Freedom Index 2017, Reporters Without Borders: Russia"

. russianmediamarket.com. Retrieved 15 May 2017.

"The Russia Media Fund"

Rosenholm, Arja; ; Trubina, Elena. "Russian Mass Media and Changing Values". rcmediafreedom.eu. Archived from the original on 20 May 2022. Retrieved 15 May 2017.

Nordenstreng, Kaarle

. transparency.org.ru/. Retrieved 15 May 2017.

"Transparency International Russia"

Freedom House 2010 Press Survey: Russia

The Calvert Journal, April 2014

A guide to the troubled world of independent Russian media

(PDF). freedominfo.org. Institute for Information Freedom Development (IIFD). September 2008. Retrieved 15 May 2017.

"НАЦИОНАЛЬНЫЙ ДОКЛАД О ДОСТУПЕ К ИНФОРМАЦИИ О ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТИ ОРГАНОВ ВЛАСТИ В РОССИЙСКОЙ ФЕДЕРАЦИИ (Access to Information: State Secrets and Human Rights)"

. Frontline. Season 41. Episode 4. 1 November 2022. PBS. WGBH. Retrieved 3 October 2023.

"Putin's War at Home"

. Frontline. Season 42. Episode 2. 26 September 2023. PBS. WGBH. Retrieved 20 September 2023.

"Putin vs. the Press"