Non-citizen suffrage

Suffrage, the right to vote, is sometimes extended to non-citizens. This right varies widely by place in terms of which non-citizens are allowed to vote and in which elections, though there has been a trend over the last 30 years to enfranchise more non-citizens, especially in Europe.^[1]

0: No rights (Australia by franchise after 1984, Austria, Belgium, Costa Rica, Denmark before 1977, Finland before 1981, France, Germany except for 1989–90, Greece, Ireland before 1962, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands before 1979, Norway before 1978, Spain before 1985, Sweden before 1976, the United Kingdom before 1949, and the United States before 1968).

grandfathered

1: Rights granted only by subnational governments (Canada from 1975 to the present; West Germany in 1989, the Netherlands from 1979 to 1981, Switzerland from 1960 to the present, and the United States from 1968 to the present).

2: Local rights, discriminatory (Denmark from 1977 to 1980; Finland from 1981 to 1990; Israel from 1960 to the present; and Norway from 1978 to 1981).

3: National rights, discriminatory (Australia from 1960 to 1984, Canada from 1960 to 1974, Ireland from 1985 to the present, New Zealand from 1960 to 1974, Portugal, the United Kingdom).

4: Local rights, nondiscriminatory (Denmark after 1980, Finland after 1990, Hungary, Ireland 1963 to 1984, the Netherlands after 1981, Norway after 1981, Spain after 1985, Sweden after 1976).

5: National rights, nondiscriminatory (New Zealand after 1975; Uruguay for 15 years-resident, since 1952)

In many countries, some subnational entities have granted voting rights to non-citizens. Other countries have granted voting rights to non-citizens who hold citizenship of a country which is a fellow member of a supranational organization (e.g. members of the European Union). In a few cases, countries or other governmental entities grant voting rights to citizens and non-citizens alike.

In a 2003 paper, David C. Earnest (then a graduate research assistant at George Washington University) surveyed practice of voting rights for resident non-citizens (or immigrants), concluding that the practice is widespread and the details varied considerably from country to country.^[2] In another 2003 paper, Earnest compared voting rights for resident noncitizens in 25 democracies, grouping them into six categories as follows:^[3]

After receiving his doctorate in 2004, Earnest published a further paper examining the political incorporation of noncitizens in three European democracies: Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands.^[4]

alinea 3.: "Rights not conferred to foreigners and apatrids may be attributed to citizens of countries with Portuguese as an official language, except for access to functions of sovereignty organs, service in the armed forces or in the diplomatic career."

alinea 4. "Active and passive electoral capacity can be attributed by law to foreigners and apatrids residents on the national territory for the elections of the members of the organs of the local municipalities."

Arguments for[edit]

Democracies are widely believed to function better when more people vote so the wisdom of the crowd can help make more fully-informed choices. Examples in New York, Chicago and Maryland all have shown positive results after immigrants received the franchise in local elections, such as school boards.^[1]

Universal suffrage means one person, one vote and no taxation without representation, so without voting rights for non-citizens, the ethics and the legitimacy of the democratic process is called into question.^[1]

Sharing democracy can help non-citizens to learn about and export the democratic best-practices to all the places they've lived and become more active and engaged citizens if they decide to stay.^[1]

Arguments against[edit]

The fear of a conflict of interest with someone's home country, in particular if that country is an adversary. The fear of foreign electoral intervention can also motivate opponents.

Democratization

Voting age

Women's suffrage

Youth suffrage

K. Groenendijk Migration Policy Institute, 2008

Local Voting Rights for Non-Nationals in Europe: What We Know and What We Need to Learn

F. Geyer Directorate-General for Internal Policies, European Parliament, 2007

Trends in the EU-27 Regarding Participation of Third-Country Nationals in the Host Country’s Political Life

D. C. Earnest George Washington University, 2003