First, there is the differentiation between the use of military spending as 'pump primer', and efforts to achieve long term multiplier effects by the given spending. A government may opt to approve the purchases of fighter planes, warships or other military commodities so as to weather a recession. Alternatively, it may opt to approve the purchase of fighter planes, warships or other military commodities throughout all the years of a given business cycle. Since the construction of large armament systems requires extensive planning and research, capitalist states generally prefer to rely on arms' purchases or other military allocations for longer-term macro-economic policymaking and regulation.

A second differentiation that needs to be made is between primary and secondary forms of military Keynesianism. In both cases, the state uses the multiplier mechanism in order to stimulate aggregate demand in society. But the primary form of military Keynesianism refers to a situation where the state uses its military allocations as the principal means to drive the business cycle. In case of a secondary form of military Keynesianism, the given allocations contribute towards generating additional demand, but not to the extent that the economy is fully, or primarily, driven by the military allocations.

The third differentiation starts from the observation that modern capitalist economies do not function as closed systems but rely on foreign trade and exports as outlets for the sale of a part of their surplus. This general observation applies to the surplus generated in the military sector as well. As the vast amount of data regarding state promotion of arms' exports do confirm, capitalist states actively try to ensure that their armament corporations gain access to import orders from foreign states, and they do so amongst others in order to generate multiplier effects. Hence, there is a need to also differentiate between the two forms of domestic and 'externalized' military Keynesianism.

[1]

The following forms of military Keynesianism may be differentiated:

Permanent war economy[edit]

The concept of permanent war economy originated in 1945 with an article by Trotskyist[8] Ed Sard (alias Frank Demby, Walter S. Oakes and T.N. Vance), a theoretician who predicted a post-war arms race. He argued at the time that the United States would retain the character of a war economy; even in peacetime, US military expenditure would remain large, reducing the percentage of unemployed compared to the 1930s. He extended this analysis in 1950 and 1951.[9] In 1974, this idea was expanded on by Seymour Melman in the book “The Permanent War Economy: American Capitalism in Decline” where Melman describes the downside of having a permanent war economy as “sustained nonproductive use of capital and labor.[10]” Melman goes on to observe that because this issue “is not unique to the United States[11]” that “It is shared by all states that try to sustain permanent war economies[12].” Melman argues that most of the military production is unnecessary and drains the talents of highly skilled workers due to politicians attempting to create a powerful influx of jobs in their districts, and because of this, most military production is in place to create jobs instead of adding to public safety. Melman suggests that the large sum of money allocated towards unnecessary military spending would be put to better uses by maintaining or improving domestic infrastructure to have an active positive benefit to society.

Empirical estimates[edit]

Many economists have attempted to estimate the multiplier effect of military expenditures with mixed results. A meta-analysis of 42 primary studies with 243 estimates concluded that military expenditures tended to increase the economy in developed countries with military exports but decrease the economy in less developed countries with generally higher level of political corruption.[13]

Externalities[edit]

Externalities are rarely if ever considered in estimating a multiplier effect. This can be a serious issue for military expenditures. For example, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) relies mostly on captured weapons. For example, in Mosul between 4 and 10 June 2014 a group of between 500 and 600 ISIL troops "were able to seize six divisions' worth of strategic weaponry, all of it US-supplied" from a force with a paper strength of 120,000 men.[14][15][16] In considering the multiplier effect of military expenditures, the people killed and property destroyed are not considered. The only things that are considered are the increased weapon sales to replace those stolen and the costs associated with combatting ISIL. Those are considered as increasing the Gross Domestic Product of the United States, and that is assumed to be good.

Walter S. Oakes, 1944, "Towards a Permanent Arms Economy?", Politics, February.

T. N. Vance, 1950, , New International, November–December.

"After Korea What? An Economic Interpretation of U.S. Perspectives"

T. N. Vance, 1951, , New International. [series of articles]

"The Permanent Arms Economy"

Charles Edward Wilson, "Army Ordnance (Vol. XXVI, No. 143, March–April 1944)".

Perspectives for the permanent war economy. Socialist Review March 1957. Reprint Tony Cliff, Marxist Theory after Trotsky. Selected Writings. Volume 3. Bookmarks London 2003. ISBN 1-898876-93-2

Tony Cliff

Explaining the Crisis – A Marxist Re-Appraisal. Bookmarks London 1999. ISBN 0-906224-11-X

Chris Harman

Chris Harman, International Socialism 99. Summer 2003.

Analysing Imperialism

Western Capitalism Since the War. Penguin Books Harmondsworth 1970.

Michael Kidron

Industrie und Nationalsozialismus. Aufzeichnungen aus dem “Mitteleuropäischen Wirtschaftstag”. Wagenbach-Verlag Berlin 1992. ISBN 3-8031-2204-X

Alfred Sohn-Rethel

Alfred Sohn-Rethel, Economy and class structure of German fascism London, CSE Books 1978.

Late Capitalism. London: Verso, 1975.

Ernest Mandel

by Jonathan Nitzan, Ph.D. Associate Professor of Political Economy, and Shimshon Bichler, Lecturer of Political Economy

Cheap Wars

by Christopher Preble, Ph.D. History

Defense Doesn't Need Stimulus

Dollars & Sense magazine

Doesn't all the war spending stimulate the economy? And shouldn't the Bush tax cuts do the same? So why are we falling into recession?

by Robert Higgs, Ph.D. Professor Emeritus of Economics

Military Keynesianism to the Rescue?

by Richard J. Samuels, Ph.D. Professor of Political Science

Rich Nation, Strong Army: National Security and the Technological Transformation of Japan

by Dr.Chalmers Johnson in the English edition of Le Monde Diplomatique

The economic disaster that is military Keynesianism: Why the US has really gone broke

High Tech, A Subsidiary Of Pentagon Inc. by Robert B. Reich

Macroeconomic Consequences of Peace: American Radical Economists and the Problem of Military Keynesianism, 1938–1975