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Russian Provisional Government

The Russian Provisional Government[a] was a provisional government of the Russian Empire and Russian Republic, announced two days before and established immediately after the abdication of Nicholas II.[1] The intention of the provisional government was the organization of elections to the Russian Constituent Assembly and its convention. The provisional government, led first by Prince Georgy Lvov and then by Alexander Kerensky, lasted approximately eight months, and ceased to exist when the Bolsheviks gained power in the October Revolution in October [November, N.S.] 1917.

Not to be confused with Provisional All-Russian Government.

Russian Provisional Government
Временное правительство России

8–16 March 1917

10–13 September 1917

14 September 1917

2 March [15 March, N.S.] 1917

October [November, N.S] 1917

Alexis II (unproclaimed)

Michael II (conditionally)

Georgy Lvov (de facto)

According to Harold Whitmore Williams, the history of the eight months during which Russia was ruled by the Provisional Government was the history of the steady and systematic disorganization of the army.[2] For most of the life of the Provisional Government, the status of the monarchy was unresolved. This was finally clarified on 1 September [14 September, N.S.], when the Russian Republic was proclaimed, in a decree signed by Kerensky as Minister-President and Zarudny as Minister of Justice.[3]

Full and immediate amnesty on all issues political and religious, including: terrorist acts, military uprisings, and agrarian crimes etc.

Freedom of word, press, unions, assemblies, and strikes with spread of political freedoms to military servicemen within the restrictions allowed by military-technical conditions.

Abolition of all hereditary, religious, and national class restrictions.

Immediate preparations for the convocation on basis of universal, equal, secret, and direct vote for the Constituent Assembly which will determine the form of government and the constitution.

Replacement of the police with a public and its elected chairmanship subordinated to the local authorities.

militsiya

Elections to the authorities of local self-government on basis of universal, direct, equal, and secret vote.

Non-disarmament and non-withdrawal out of Petrograd the military units participating in the revolution movement.

Under preservation of strict discipline in ranks and performing a military service – elimination of all restrictions for soldiers in the use of public rights granted to all other citizens.

Kerensky First Government

24 July 1917 (see July Days)

1 September 1917

Grand Duke Michael
(conditionally)
Alexander Kerensky
(de facto)

Lvov

Alexander Kerensky

14 September 1917

7 November 1917

Grand Duke Michael (conditionally)
Alexander Kerensky (de facto)

Alexander Kerensky

Democratization[edit]

The rise of local organizations, such as trade unions and rural institutions, and the devolution of power within the Russian government gave rise to democratization. It is difficult to say that the Provisional Government desired the rise of these powerful, local institutions. As stated in the previous section, some politicians within the Provisional Government advocated the rise of these institutions. Local government bodies had discretionary authority when deciding which Provisional Government laws to implement. For example, institutions that held power in rural areas were quick to implement national laws regarding the peasantry's use of idle land. Real enforcement power was in the hands of these local institutions and the soviets. Russian historian W.E. Mosse points out, this time period represented "the only time in modern Russian history when the Russian people were able to play a significant part in the shaping of their destinies".[20] While this quote romanticizes Russian society under the Provisional Government, the quote nonetheless shows that important democratic institutions were prominent in 1917 Russia.


Special interest groups also developed throughout 1917. Special interest groups play a large role in every society deemed "democratic" today, and such was the case of Russia in 1917. Many on the far left would argue that the presence of special interest groups represent a form of bourgeois democracy, in which the interests of an elite few are represented to a greater extent than the working masses. The rise of special interest organizations gave people the means to mobilize and play a role in the democratic process. While groups such as trade unions formed to represent the needs of the working classes, professional organizations were also prominent.[21] Professional organizations quickly developed a political side to represent member's interests. The political involvement of these groups represents a form of democratic participation as the government listened to such groups when formulating policy. Such interest groups played a negligible role in politics before February 1917 and after October 1917.


While professional special interest groups were on the rise, so too were worker organizations, especially in the cities. Beyond the formation of trade unions, factory committees of workers rapidly developed on the plant level of industrial centers. The factory committees represented the most radical viewpoints of the time period. The Bolsheviks gained their popularity within these institutions. Nonetheless, these committees represented the most democratic element of 1917 Russia. However, this form of democracy differed from and went beyond the political democracy advocated by the liberal intellectual elites and moderate socialists of the Provisional Government. Workers established economic democracy, as employees gained managerial power and direct control over their workplace. Worker self-management became a common practice throughout industrial enterprises.[22] As workers became more militant and gained more economic power, they supported the radical Bolshevik party and lifted the Bolsheviks into power in October 1917.

All-Russian Central Executive Committee

Black Hundreds

Diplomatic history of World War I

International relations of the Great Powers (1814–1919)

Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee

Russian entry into World War I

White movement

Abraham, Richard (1987). . Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-06108-0.

Kerensky: First Love of the Revolution

Acton, Edward, et al. eds. Critical companion to the Russian Revolution, 1914–1921 (Indiana UP, 1997).

Hickey, Michael C. "The Provisional Government and Local Administration in Smolensk in 1917". Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 9.1 (2016): 251–274.

Lipatova, Nadezhda V. "On the Verge of the Collapse of Empire: Images of Alexander Kerensky and Mikhail Gorbachev". Europe-Asia Studies 65.2 (2013): 264–289.

Orlovsky, Daniel. "Corporatism or democracy: the Russian Provisional Government of 1917". The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 24.1 (1997): 15–25.

Thatcher, Ian D. "Post-Soviet Russian Historians and the Russian Provisional Government of 1917". Slavonic & East European Review 93.2 (2015): 315–337.

online

Thatcher, Ian D. "Historiography of the Russian Provisional Government 1917 in the USSR". Twentieth Century Communism (2015), Issue 8, pp. 108–132.

Thatcher, Ian D. "Memoirs of the Russian Provisional Government 1917". Revolutionary Russia 27.1 (2014): 1–21.

Thatcher, Ian D. "The 'broad centrist' political parties and the first provisional government, 3 March–5 May 1917". Revolutionary Russia 33.2 (2020): 197–220.

Wade, Rex A. "The Revolution at One Hundred: Issues and Trends in the English Language Historiography of the Russian Revolution of 1917". Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 9.1 (2016): 9–38.