Ahrar al-Sham
Harakat Ahrar al-Sham al-Islamiyya (Arabic: حركة أحرار الشام الإسلامية, romanized: Ḥarakat Aḥrār aš-Šām al-Islāmiyah, lit. 'Islamic Movement of the Freemen of the Levant'), commonly referred to as Ahrar al-Sham, is a coalition of multiple Islamist units that coalesced into a single brigade and later a division in order to fight against the Syrian Government led by Bashar al-Assad during the Syrian Civil War.[47] Ahrar al-Sham was led by Hassan Aboud[4] until his death in 2014.[3] In July 2013, Ahrar al-Sham had 10,000 to 20,000 fighters,[4] which at the time made it the second most powerful unit fighting against al-Assad, after the Free Syrian Army.[48] It was the principal organization operating under the umbrella of the Syrian Islamic Front[4] and was a major component of the Islamic Front.[30] With an estimated 20,000 fighters in 2015,[16] Ahrar al-Sham became the largest rebel group in Syria after the Free Syrian Army became less powerful. Ahrar al-Sham and Jaysh al-Islam are the main rebel groups supported by Turkey.[49] On 18 February 2018, Ahrar al-Sham merged with the Nour al-Din al-Zenki Movement to form the Syrian Liberation Front.[34]
Harakat Ahrar al-Sham al-Islamiyyah
- Hassan Aboud, nom de guerre Abu Abdullah al-Hamawi[1][2] † (leader, 2011–2014)[3][4]
- Hashim al-Sheikh, nom de guerre Abu Jaber Shaykh (leader, 2014–2015)[5]
- Abu Yahia al-Hamawi (leader, 2015–2016)[6]
- Ali al-Omar, nom de guerre Abu Ammar al-Omar (leader, 2016–July 2017)[7]
- Hassan Soufan, nom de guerre Abu al-Bara (overall leader, 31 July 2017–August 2018)[8][9]
- Jaber Ali Basha (leader, August 2018–present; deputy leader, 2017–2018)[9][7][10]
- Anas Abu Malek (deputy leader, 2017–present)[11]
- Jamil Abu Abdul Rahman (northern sector commander, 2017–present)[7]
Abu Yousef al-Mujajir (by 2016)[12]
December 2011–present
Babsaqa, Idlib Governorate, Syria[13]
Active
Syrian Islamic Front (2012–2013)[27]
Islamic Front (2013–2016)[28][29][30]
Syrian Revolutionary Command Council (2014–2015)[14]
Unified Military Command of Eastern Ghouta (2014–2015)[31][32]
Army of Conquest (2015–2017)[33]
Fatah Halab (2015–2017)
Ansar al-Sharia (2015–early 2016)
Jaysh Halab (2016)
- 3rd Legion
- Levant Bloc
- Levant Front (northern Aleppo branch, 2017–present)
- Levant Bloc
National Front for Liberation (2018–present)
- Syrian Liberation Front (2018–present)[34]
- Islamic front in aleppo 2016-2017
- Syria
- Iran[40]
- Russia[40]
- Hezbollah
- Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba[41]
- Syrian Democratic Forces
- Liwa Fatemiyoun
- Liwa Zainebiyoun
- Kata'ib Sayyid al-Shuhada
- Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq
- Popular Mobilization Forces
- Tahrir al-Sham (sometimes)[42]
- Islamic State[43][44]
- Jund al-Aqsa (since October 2016)
- Ahrar al-Sharqiya
- Al-Rahman Legion[42]
Shabiha
- First Battle of Idlib (2012)
- Battle of Aleppo
- Battle of Raqqa (2013)
- 2013 Latakia offensive[45]
- Inter-rebel conflict during the Syrian Civil War
- Military intervention against IS
- Second Battle of Idlib[33]
- 2015 Jisr al-Shughur offensive[46]
- Daraa offensive (February 2017)
- Qaboun offensive (2017)
- Hama offensive (March–April 2017)
- Daraa offensive (June 2017)
- Northwestern Syria campaign (October 2017–February 2018)
- Battle of Harasta (2017–18)
- Beit Jinn offensive
- Rif Dimashq offensive (February–April 2018)
- 2018 Southern Syria offensive
- 2022 Ahrar al-Sham–Levant Front clashes
- 2022 Aleppo country side clashes
- 2022 south of jishr al sougor
The group aims to create an Islamic state under Sharia law.[16]
While both are major rebel groups, Ahrar al-Sham is not to be confused with Tahrir al-Sham, its main rival and former ally. Before 2016, Ahrar al-Sham allied with the al-Nusra Front, a now-defunct affiliate of al-Qaeda.[16][50] From 2017 onward, it increasingly fought against Tahrir al-Sham, an Islamic coalition formed under the initiative of a former Ahrar leader, Abu Jaber Shaykh; through a merger of Ahrar al-Sham's Jaysh al-Ahrar faction, Jabhat Fatah al-Sham, Nur al-Din Zenki and other militia groups.
History[edit]
Formation and early activities[edit]
Salafi groups emerged as important political and social actors in Egypt and Tunisia after the Arab Spring. Salafist groups can look very different from each other but author Markus Holdo identifies three accepted categories of Salafist groups. There are scripturalist Salafis who refuse to participate in politics because they find it useless in achieving their goals, the political Salafist who do engage in politics while seeking to put in place a fundamentalist agenda, and lastly there are the Jihadist Salafis who identify as part of a global jihad and generally find more popularity among younger people.[83] While there may be differences in how Jihadist Salafist groups define the act of jihad, they generally reject the institutional politics of liberal democracy and westernization because "of its inability to deliver the material and ethical goods they demand."[83] Jihadist Salafist do not just rally behind a shared religious view, but around fighting the ideals they think exist in institutional politics such as hierarchy, exclusion, and corruption.[83] Ahrar al-Sham can be described as Jihadist Salafis whose definition of Jihad is one of active war fighting. Often, this view of Jihad is used as a recruitment tool by calling fighters to join a cause and complete their duty to Islam.[60]
Ahrar al-Sham started forming units just after the Egyptian revolution of January 2011, and before the Syrian uprising started in March 2011.[15] Most of the group's founders were Salafist political prisoners who had been detained for years at the Sednaya prison until they were released as part of an amnesty by the Syrian Government in March–May 2011.[15][84][85] At the time of its establishment in December 2011,[16] Ahrar al-Sham consisted of about 25 rebel units spread across Syria. On 23 January 2012, the Ahrar al-Sham Battalions was officially announced in the Idlib Governorate. In the same announcement, the group claimed responsibility for an attack on the security headquarters in the city of Idlib. "To all the free people of Syria, we announce the formation of the Free Ones of the Levant Battalions," the statement said, according to a translation obtained by the Long War Journal. "We promise God, and then we promise you, that we will be a firm shield and a striking hand to repel the attacks of this criminal Al Assad army with all the might we can muster. We promise to protect the lives of civilians and their possessions from security and the Shabiha [pro-government] militia. We are a people who will either gain victory or die."[86]
By July 2012, the group's website listed 50 units, and by mid-January 2013, the number had increased to 83 units.[87] Most of these units are headquartered in villages in Idlib Governorate, but many others are located in Hama and Aleppo Governorates. Some Ahrar al-Sham units that have been involved in heavy fighting include the Qawafel al-Shuhada and Ansar al-Haqq Brigades (both in Khan Shaykhun), the al-Tawhid wal-Iman Brigade (Maarat al-Nu'man, Idlib), the Shahba Brigade (Aleppo City), the Hassane bin Thabet Brigade (Darat Izza, Aleppo), and the Salahaddin and Abul-Fida Brigades (both in Hama City).[1]
Members of the group are Sunni Islamists.[88] Ahrar al-Sham cooperates with the Free Syrian Army; however, it does not maintain ties with the Syrian National Council.[52] Although they coordinate with other groups, they maintain their own strict and secretive leadership, receiving the majority of their funding and support from donors in Kuwait.[47][89][90]
Ahrar al-Sham was credited for rescuing NBC News team including reporter Richard Engel, producer Ghazi Balkiz, cameraman John Kooistra and others after they were kidnapped in December 2012. While Engel initially blamed pro-Assad Shabiha militants for the abduction, it later turned out that they were "almost certainly" abducted by an FSA affiliated rebel group.[91] There were around 500 people in Ahrar al-Sham in August 2012.[92]
Foreign support[edit]
Discussions about foreign support in the media often center on the weapons that foreign powers provide to their proxies. Money is just as important as weapons though. As soon as a soldier / rebel has to fight away from his home, the rebel group has to pay at least his sustenance, and in practice some more. For Ahrar the amount of financial aid it got from abroad might be the very reason it became so powerful. After the December 2013 suspension of all U.S. and the U.K. non-lethal support, which included medicine, vehicles, and communications equipment,[168] to the Free Syrian Army after the Islamic Front, a coalition of Islamist fighters that broke with the American-backed Free Syrian Army, had seized warehouses of equipment. In 2014 the U.S. was considering indirectly resuming non-lethal aid to the moderate opposition by having it "funneled exclusively through the Supreme Military Council, the military wing of moderate, secular Syrian opposition" even if some of it ends up going to Islamist groups.[169] Several European states have attempted small-level engagements with individual Ahrar al-Sham political officials in Turkey.[170]
Ahrar al-Sham generally welcomes foreign fighters without demanding too much of them. Ahrar al-Sham encourages foreign fighters to arrive unmarried, committed to stay with the organization for six months, and prepared to pay in advance for their stay and their own weapon.[171] While Ahrar al-Sham does not consider jihad to be a duty for all Muslims, they do consider they objective of toppling the Assad regime in Syria to be a conflict that at its core is about Muslim concerns.[171] While foreign fighters may come from other countries, Ahrar al-Sham extends welcoming arms because they believe in a common linkage among Muslims fighting for an Islamic regime in Syria.
Donations from supporters abroad were important for Ahrar's growth. Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey have been reported to have actively supported Ahrar al-Sham.[172] A statement issued by Ahrar al-Sham thanked Turkey and Qatar for their help.[173] By 2013, the Kuwaiti private fund Popular Commission to Support the Syrian People, managed by Sheikh Ajmi and Sheik Irshid al-Hajri had supported Ahrar with US$400,000, for which Ahrar recorded a public thanks.[174]
Groups in italics left to join Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS)