Katana VentraIP

Persecution of pagans in the late Roman Empire

Persecution of pagans in the late Roman Empire began during the reign of Constantine the Great (r.306–337) in the military colony of Aelia Capitolina (Jerusalem), when he destroyed a pagan temple for the purpose of constructing a Christian church.[1] Rome had periodically confiscated church properties, and Constantine was vigorous in reclaiming them whenever these issues were brought to his attention.[2] Christian historians alleged that Hadrian (2nd century) had constructed a temple to Venus on the site of the crucifixion of Jesus on Golgotha hill in order to suppress Christian veneration there. Constantine used that to justify the temple's destruction, saying he was simply reclaiming the property.[3][4][5][6] Using the vocabulary of reclamation, Constantine acquired several more sites of Christian significance in the Holy Land.[3]

From 313, with the exception of the brief reign of Julian, non-Christians were subject to a variety of hostile and discriminatory imperial laws aimed at suppressing sacrifice and magic and closing any temples that continued their use. The majority of these laws were local, though some were thought to be valid across the whole empire, with some threatening the death penalty, but not resulting in action. None seem to have been effectively applied empire-wide. For example, in 341, Constantine's son Constantius II enacted legislation forbidding pagan sacrifices in Roman Italy. In 356, he issued two more laws forbidding sacrifice and the worship of images, making them capital crimes, as well as ordering the closing of all temples. There is no evidence of the death penalty being carried out for illegal sacrifices before Tiberius Constantine (r.578–582), and most temples remained open into the reign of Justinian I (r.527–565).Pagan teachers (who included philosophers) were banned and their license, parrhesia, to instruct others was withdrawn. Parrhesia had been used for a thousand years to denote "freedom of speech."[7][8]: 87, 93  Despite official threats, sporadic mob violence, and confiscations of temple treasures, paganism remained widespread into the early fifth century, continuing in parts of the empire into the seventh century, and into the ninth century in Greece.[9] During the reigns of Gratian, Valentinian II and Theodosius I anti-pagan policies and their penalties increased.


By the end of the period of Antiquity and the institution of the Law Codes of Justinian, there was a shift from the generalized legislation which characterized the Theodosian Code to actions which targeted individual centers of paganism.[10]: 248–9  The gradual transition towards more localized action, corresponds with the period when most conversions of temples to churches were undertaken: the late 5th and 6th centuries.[11] Chuvin says that, through the severe legislation of the early Byzantine Empire, the freedom of conscience that had been the major benchmark set by the Edict of Milan was finally abolished.[12]: 132–48 


Non-Christians were a small minority by the time of the last western anti-pagan laws in the early 600s. Scholars fall into two categories on how and why this dramatic change took place: the long established traditional catastrophists who view the rapid demise of paganism as occurring in the late fourth and early fifth centuries due to harsh Christian legislation and violence, and contemporary scholars who view the process as a long decline that began in the second century, before the emperors were themselves Christian, and which continued into the seventh century. This latter view contends that there was less conflict between pagans and Christians than was previously supposed.[13] In the twenty-first century, the idea that Christianity became dominant through conflict with paganism has become marginalized, while a grassroots theory has developed.[14][15]


In 529 CE, the Byzantine emperor Justinian ordered the closing of the Academy at Athens. The last teachers of the Academy, Damascius and Simplicius were invited by a Persian ruler Khosrow I to Harran (now in Turkey),[16], which became a center of learning. Paganism survived in Harran until the 10th century thanks to its practitioners bribing local officials. In 933, however, they were ordered to convert. A visitor to the city in the following year found that there were still pagan religious leaders operating a remaining public temple.

From Jovian to Valens (363–378)[edit]

Jovian reigned only eight months, from June 363 to February 364, but in that period, he negotiated peace with the Sassanids and reestablished Christianity as the preferred religion.[116][117]


Bayliss says the position adopted by the Nicene Christian emperor Valentinian I (321–375) and the Arian Christian emperor Valens (364–378), granting all cults toleration from the start of their reign, was in tune with a society of mixed beliefs. Pagan writers, for example Ammianus Marcellinus, describe the reign of Valentinian as one “distinguished for religious tolerance... He took a neutral position between opposing faiths, and never troubled anyone by ordering him to adopt this or that mode of worship ... [he] left the various cults undisturbed as he found them”.[118]


This apparently sympathetic stance is corroborated by the absence of any anti-pagan legislation in the Theodosian Law Codes from this era.[12][112][119] Classics scholar Christopher P. Jones[120] says Valentinian permitted divination so long as it was not done at night, which he saw as the next step to practicing magic.[121]: 26 


Valens, who ruled the east, also tolerated paganism, even keeping some of Julian's associates in their trusted positions. He confirmed the rights and privileges of the pagan priests and confirmed the right of pagans to be the exclusive caretakers of their temples.[121]: 26 

Ambrose, Gratian, and the Altar of Victory[edit]

Ambrose and Gratian[edit]

In 382, Gratian was the first to formally, in law, divert into the crown's coffers those public financial subsidies that had previously supported Rome's cults; he appropriated the income of pagan priests and the Vestal Virgins, forbade their right to inherit land, confiscated the possessions of the priestly colleges, and was the first to refuse the title of pontifex maximus.[122] He also ordered the Altar of Victory to be removed again.[123][124] The colleges of pagan priests lost privileges and immunities.


Gratian wrote Ambrose, the Bishop of Milan, for spiritual advice and received back multiple letters and books.[4][125][126] It has long been convention to see the volume of these writings as evidence Gratian was dominated by Ambrose, who was therefore the true source of Gratian's anti-pagan actions.[127] McLynn finds this unlikely and unnecessary as an explanation: Gratian was, himself, devout, and "The many differences between Gratian's religious policies and his father's, and the shifts that occurred during his own reign, are to be explained by changed political circumstances [after the Battle of Adrianople], rather than capitulation to Ambrose".[128]


Modern scholars have noted that Sozomen is the only ancient source that shows Ambrose and Gratian together in any personal interaction. That event occurred in the last year of Gratian's reign. Ambrose crashed Gratian's private hunting party in order to appeal on behalf of a pagan senator sentenced to die. After years of acquaintance, this indicates Ambrose could not take for granted that Gratian would see him, so instead, Ambrose had to resort to such maneuverings to make his appeal.[127]

After Gratian[edit]

Gratian's brother, Valentinian II and Valentinian's mother strongly disliked Ambrose and generally refused to cooperate with him, taking every opportunity to side against him. Yet, Valentinian II still refused to grant requests from pagans to restore the Altar of Victory and the income of the temple priests and Vestal Virgins or to overturn the policies of his predecessor.


After Gratian, the emperors Arcadius, Honorius and Theodosius continued to appropriate for the crown the tax revenue collected by the temple custodians.[129] Urban ritual procession and ceremony was gradually stripped of support and funding.[130] Rather than being removed outright though, many festivals were secularized and incorporated into a developing Christian calendar, often with little alteration. Some had already severely declined in popularity by the end of 3rd century.[73]

Praetorian prefecture of the East
Praefectura praetorio Orientis
Ἐπαρχότης τῶν πραιτωρίων τῆς Ανατολῆς
Ἑῴα Ὑπαρχία

Late Antiquity

337

7th century

Anti-paganism after Theodosius I until the collapse of the Western Empire[edit]

Anti-pagan laws were established and continued on after Theodosius I until the fall of the Roman Empire in the West. Arcadius, Honorius, Theodosius II, Marcian and Leo I reiterated the bans on pagan sacrifices and divination and increased the penalties. The necessity to do so indicates that the old religion still had many followers. In the later part of the 4th century there were clearly a significant number of pagan sympathizers and crypto-pagans still in positions of power in all levels of the administrative system including positions close to the emperor; even by the 6th century, pagans can still be found in prominent positions of office both locally and in the imperial bureaucracy.[12]: 37–38 


From Theodosius on, public sacrifice definitely ended in Constantinople and Antioch, and in those places that were, as Lavan says, "under the emperor's nose" by around 350. However, away from the imperial court, those efforts were not effective or enduring until the fifth and sixth centuries.[53]


By the early fifth century under Honorius and Theodosius II, there were multiple injunctions against magic and divination. One example was the law of 409 de maleficis et mathematicis against astrologers ordering them to return to Catholicism, and for the books of mathematics that they used for their computations to be "consumed in flames before the eyes of the bishops".[91] A fifth century writer Apponius wrote a condemnation of methods "demons used to ensnare human hearts" including augury, astrology, magical spells, malign magic, mathesis, and all predictions gained from the flights of birds or the scrutiny of entrails.


The prefecture of Illyricum appears to have been an attractive post for pagans and sympathisers in the 5th century, and Aphrodisias is known to have housed a substantial population of pagans in late antiquity, including a famous school of philosophy.[197] In Rome, Christianization was hampered significantly by the elites, many of whom remained stalwartly pagan. The institutional cults continued in Rome and its hinterland, funded from private sources, in a considerably reduced form, but still existent, as long as empire lasted.[198]: 228 


Bayliss writes that "We know from discoveries at Aphrodisias that pagans and philosophers were still very much in evidence in the 5th century, and living in some luxury. The discovery of overt pagan statuary and marble altars in a house in the heart of the city of Athens gives a very different impression from that presented by the law codes and literature, of pagans worshipping in secrecy and constant fear of the governor and bishop".[199]

Greco-Roman world

Hellenistic religion

History of Christian thought on persecution and tolerance

Pentarchy

Paradox of tolerance

Religious policies of Constantius II

Persecution of pagans under Theodosius I

Religion in ancient Rome

Religious persecution in the Roman Empire

Restoration of paganism from Julian until Valens

Revival of Roman paganism

; Alan Cameron; Seth R. Schwartz & Klaas A. Worp (1987). Consuls of the Later Roman Empire. Oxford University Press. ISBN 1-55540-099-X.

Bagnall, Roger S.

Bayliss, Richard (2004) [2001]. . Oxford: Archaeopress. ISBN 1-84171-634-0.

Provincial Cilicia and the Archaeology of Temple Conversion

Boyd, William Kenneth (2005). The Ecclesiastical Edicts of the Theodosian Code (reprint ed.). Clark: The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd.  978-1-58477-531-7.

ISBN

Bradbury, Scott (1995). (PDF). Phoenix. 49 (4): 331–356. doi:10.2307/1088885. JSTOR 1088885.

"Julian's Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrifice"

Bradbury, Scott (1994). "Constantine and the Problem of Anti-Pagan Legislation in the Fourth Century". . 89 (2): 120–139. doi:10.1086/367402. S2CID 159997492.

Classical Philology

Brown, Peter (1997). Authority and the Sacred: Aspects of the Christianisation of the Roman World (revised ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 49–54.  9780521595575.

ISBN

(1998). "Christianization and religious conflict". In Averil Cameron & Peter Garnsey (eds.). The Cambridge Ancient History XIII: The Late Empire, A.D. 337–425. Cambridge University Press. pp. 632–664. ISBN 0-521-30200-5.

Brown, Peter

Brown, Peter (1992). Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards a Christian Empire. University of Wisconsin Press.  9780299133443.

ISBN

Brown, Peter (2012). . Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-15290-5.

Through the Eye of a Needle: Wealth, the Fall of Rome, and the Making of Christianity in the West, 350–550 AD

(2010). The Last Pagans of Rome. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-974727-6.

Cameron, Alan

Collar, Anna (2013). Religious Networks in the Roman Empire (illustrated, reprint ed.). Cambridge University Press.  9781107043442.

ISBN

Constantelos, Demetrios J. (1964). "Paganism and the State in the Age of Justinian". The Catholic Historical Review. 50 (3): 372–80.  25017472.

JSTOR

, ed. (2006). Violence in Late Antiquity: Perceptions and Practices. Aldershot: Ashgate. ISBN 978-0-7546-5498-8.

Drake, H.A.

(1988). "Constantine and the Pagans". Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies. 29 (3): 309–318. ISSN 0017-3916.

Errington, R. Malcolm

Errington, R. Malcolm (1997). "Christian Accounts of the Religious Legislation of Theodosius I". . 79 (2): 398–443. doi:10.1524/klio.1997.79.2.398. S2CID 159619838.

Klio

Errington, R. Malcolm (2006). . Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-8078-3038-0.

Roman Imperial Policy from Julian to Theodosius

Graf, Fritz (2014). "Laying Down the Law in Ferragosto: The Roman Visit of Theodosius in Summer 389". . 22 (2): 219–242. doi:10.1353/earl.2014.0022. S2CID 159641057.

Journal of Early Christian Studies

Hebblewhite, Mark (2020). . London: Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315103334. ISBN 978-1-138-10298-9. S2CID 213344890.

Theodosius and the Limits of Empire

Hopkins, Keith (1998). "Christian Number and Its Implications". . 6 (2): 185–226. doi:10.1353/earl.1998.0035. S2CID 170769034.

Journal of Early Christian Studies

Humfress, Caroline (2013). "5: Laws' Empire: Roman Universalism and Legal Practice". New Frontiers: Law and Society in the Roman World. Edinburgh University Press.  978-0-7486-6817-5.

ISBN

Judge, E.A. (2010). Alanna Nobbs (ed.). . Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. ISBN 978-3-16-150572-0.

Jerusalem and Athens: Cultural Transformation in Late Antiquity

Lavan, Luke & Michael Mulryan, eds. (2011). . Leiden: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-19237-9.

The Archaeology of Late Antique 'Paganism'

Kahlos, Maijastina (2019). . Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-006725-0.

Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350–450

(1984). Christianizing the Roman Empire A.D. 100–400. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-03216-1.

MacMullen, Ramsay

McLynn, Neil B. (1994). . Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-08461-6.

Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital

Salzman, Michele Renee. "Rethinking Pagan-Christian Violence". In , pp. 265–286.

Drake (2006)

Saradi-Mendelovici, Helen (1990). "Christian Attitudes toward Pagan Monuments in Late Antiquity and Their Legacy in Later Byzantine Centuries". Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 44: 47–61. :10.2307/1291617. JSTOR 1291617.

doi

Scourfield, J. H. D. (2007). Texts and Culture in Late Antiquity: Inheritance, Authority, and Change. ISD LLC.  978-1-910589-45-8.

ISBN

Trombley, Frank R. (2001) [1995]. (2nd ed.). Leiden: Brill. ISBN 0-391-04121-5.

Hellenic Religion and Christianization c. 370-529

Woods, David. . De Imperatoribus Romanis.

"Theodosius I (379–395 A.D.)"