Ferguson unrest
The Ferguson unrest (sometimes called the Ferguson uprising, Ferguson protests, or the Ferguson riots) was a series of protests and riots which began in Ferguson, Missouri on August 10, 2014, the day after the fatal shooting of Michael Brown by FPD officer Darren Wilson. The unrest sparked a vigorous debate in the United States about the relationship between law enforcement officers and Black Americans, the militarization of police, and the use-of-force law in Missouri and nationwide. Continuing activism expanded the issues by including modern-day debtors prisons,[9] for-profit policing,[10] and school segregation.[11]
This article is about the aftermath of the shooting of Michael Brown. For coverage of events immediately surrounding the shooting, see Killing of Michael Brown.2014 Ferguson unrest
First wave: Killing of Michael Brown
Second wave: Darren Wilson not indicted
Third wave: Anniversary of shooting
Widespread rioting, vandalism, looting, arson, and gunfire.
1 (Michael Brown)
As the details of the shooting emerged, police established curfews and deployed riot squads in anticipation of unrest. Along with peaceful protests, there was a significant amount of looting and violence in the vicinity of the site of the shooting, as well as across the city. Media criticism of the militarization of the police in Ferguson after the shooting was frequent.[12][13] The unrest continued on November 24, 2014, after a grand jury did not indict Officer Wilson.[14] It briefly flared again on the first anniversary of Brown's shooting.[15] The Department of Justice (DOJ) concluded that Wilson shot Brown in self-defense.[16][17]
In response to the shooting and the subsequent unrest, the DOJ conducted an investigation into the policing practices of the Ferguson Police Department (FPD).[18][19] In March 2015, the DOJ announced that they had determined that the FPD had engaged in misconduct against the citizenry of Ferguson by, among other things, discriminating against African Americans and applying racial stereotypes in a "pattern or practice of unlawful conduct."[20][21][22] The DOJ also found that the Ferguson city council relied on fines and other charges generated by police for funding municipal services.[23]
Later deaths of protestors[edit]
As of March 2019, Ferguson protesters have continued to receive threats to their lives or wellbeing.[197] A number have died under circumstances viewed as suspicious by the community.[197] Continuing mistrust between the police and the community may have resulted in the police failing to adequately investigate these deaths.[197]
On September 6, 2016, Darren Seals, a leader in the Ferguson protests was found shot and killed inside a burning car, similarly to DeAndre Joshua;[197] he was 29 years old.[198] Edward Crawford, known for the iconic photograph of him throwing a tear gas canister during the protests, also died in 2017 after, according to police, committing suicide.[199]
Related developments[edit]
Voter registration[edit]
It was reported that 3,200 inhabitants (out of 21,000) had registered to vote in Ferguson since Michael Brown's death.[201] Later, the election board stated that the released numbers were inaccurate and only 128 new voter registrations occurred. The larger number was the total number of interactions with Ferguson voters, including address changes or other alterations.[202][203]
Ferguson PR sub-contractor fired[edit]
Devin James, a minority PR person hired shortly before the unrest began, was fired by the St. Louis Economic Development Partnership after his prior record came to light. James worked directly with the Ferguson Police Chief and seems to be the one who suggested the video apology, among other things.[204] The Partnership was informed that James served a 90-day work farm sentence in 2009 for reckless homicide. As a victim of an armed robbery in 2004, he shot 8 times and killed one of his two assailants. Earlier in 2004, he was shot in the shoulder as a victim of another armed robbery. After a troubled youth, James managed to attend university, but the two robberies prevented him from obtaining a degree.[205] James kept his position on a pro bono basis.
Injunction against "keep moving" rule at peaceful protests[edit]
On September 29, 2014, the ACLU asked a federal court to order police to stop using the "keep moving" rule during protests in Ferguson, which prevented people from standing still under threat of arrest. St. Louis County Police Chief Jon Belmar testified that the rule was meant to be used for the most volatile night protests during curfew and was mistakenly used by some officers at calm protests during the day.[206] On October 6, Chief Judge Catherine D. Perry, of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Missouri, ruled that "The practice of requiring peaceful demonstrators and others to walk, rather than stand still, violates the constitution," and issued an injunction against the practice for peaceful, law-abiding protesters in Ferguson.[207][208]
Rebuilding process[edit]
The QuikTrip that was looted and burned during the first night of unrest will be rebuilt as a job training center as part of the Urban League of Metropolitan St. Louis's "empowering communities" effort. The center, when complete, will house the new Save Our Sons program. St. Louis area companies have contributed $1.2 million toward the effort, meant to give young jobless or underemployed men a month's training before matching them with area jobs.[209]
Philanthropy help[edit]
Wanting to aid the healing process of the wounded city, an anonymous couple called the Greater Saint Louis Community Foundation and set up a $100,000 fund. But the generous couple didn't know which programs or initiatives would best help Ferguson, so they requested that a racially balanced group of Ferguson residents make the decision on how to distribute the money.[210]
The Come Together Ferguson grant committee—made up of pairs of black and white teachers, police officers, pastors, and residents—decided to award the first round of grants to Ferguson summer youth programs. On Saturday, May 23, 2015, the committee announced it would distribute $39,000 to eleven organizations, selected out of 42 applications.[211]
New police chief named[edit]
Delrish Moss, a seasoned Miami police officer with decades of experience related to public relations and community outreach, was appointed police chief in April 2016. Major Moss, who is black, will be leading the primarily white police force in protecting a community where over half of residents are African American.[212]
Racial context[edit]
The Washington Post noted that racial disparities had already existed between the Ferguson Police Department and its citizenry, which had experienced significant demographic changes since 2000.[213] Protests,[214] vandalism, and other forms of social unrest continued for more than a week,[215] and the violence escalated despite the imposition of a night curfew.[216][217] Several of the stores looted during the unrest are Asian American-owned, with The Daily Beast writing that Asian-Americans tend to be "left out" of the race relations discussion.[218]
Also according to The Washington Post, the Ferguson Police Department "bears little demographic resemblance" to the mostly African-American community, which already harbored "suspicions of the law enforcement agency" preceding Brown's shooting, with 48 of the police force's 53 officers being white,[219] while the population is only one-third white and about two-thirds black.[213][220] The community had experienced rapid demographic change in recent years; in 2000, just over half of the population was black.[213] An annual report last year by the office of Missouri's attorney general concluded that Ferguson police were "twice as likely to arrest African Americans during traffic stops as they were whites."[213]
The Los Angeles Times argued that the situation that exploded in Ferguson "has been building for decades," stating that the protesters initially came from the town as well as from neighboring towns that have pockets of poverty, the poorest towns in St. Louis, and it also argued that "the growing challenge of the suburbanization of poverty" was the catalyst of the unrest.[221]
Time magazine argued that "Blacks in this country are more apt to riot because they are one of the populations here which still needs to riot. In the case of the 1992 riots, 30 years of black people trying to talk about their struggles against racial profiling are muted, but their reaction to still vastly unfair, treatment, came to a boil. Sometimes, enough is simply too much. And after that catalyst event, the landscape of southern California changed, and nationally, police forces took note."[222]
Another aspect of this situation might stem from a system that burdens the poor and black in Ferguson.[223] Minor traffic offenses are the starting point, and the costs spiral up rapidly if the offenders do not pay the fines on time or do not appear in court.[224] The income from court fines represented the second-largest source of revenue for Ferguson in 2013. On October 1, 2014, the city of St. Louis canceled 220,000 arrest warrants and gave a three-month delay to the offenders to get a new court date before the warrants would be reissued.[225]
Protesters in Ferguson
People marching in Ferguson, Missouri
Sharpshooter, with weapon trained, atop a SWAT vehicle
St. Charles County SWAT team at Ferguson. The device on top of the armored vehicle is a type of directed-energy weapon called an LRAD
A woman holding a sign in Ferguson
Collected videos
Collected photographs
Documents
Organizations