First-generation college students in the United States
First-generation college students in the United States are college students whose parents did not complete a baccalaureate degree.[1] Although research has revealed that completion of a baccalaureate degree is significant in terms of upward socioeconomic mobility in the United States,[2][3][4] a considerable body of research indicates that these students face significant systemic barriers to postsecondary education access, academic success once enrolled, and degree completion.[5][6][7][8][9] Many of these obstacles result from systemic racial, cultural, social, and economic inequities.
Compared to their continuing-generation counterparts, first-generation college students are more likely to be older than their peers,[10] have dependents,[10] come from low-income families,[10][11] attend college part-time,[10][12] live off campus,[10] have more work responsibilities,[10] and hold traditionally disadvantaged ethnic and racial identities.[13] While first-generation college students are less likely to complete their postsecondary education than their peers,[14][15] those who do graduate often incur more debt to pay for their degree[16][17] and accumulate less lifetime wealth than students whose parents completed a baccalaureate degree.[18]
Family relationships[edit]
A 2014 study by Tiffany Wang in the Journal of Family Communication identified five thematic messages that 30 first-generation participants from a large public university received from their families.[51] The first theme was "remembering family", which included messages about the importance of maintaining strong emotional connection with and loyalty to one's family and background.[51] The second theme was "focusing on family", which included messages encouraging the student to prioritize the family highly.[51] The third theme was "counting on family", which included messages guaranteeing unconditional support.[51] Students who cited these messages also reflected that being at college had led them to cherish their family relationships more than in the past.[51] The fourth theme was "not worrying about family", and included messages of assurance that the student had made the right choice in pursuing education even if sacrifices of responsibility to and time with the family had to be made.[51] The fifth theme was "setting a good example", and included messages reminding the student of their responsibility to demonstrate maturity, hard work, and focus to younger family members and friends.[51] More than 25% of first generation students attend junior college, and less than half of students parents doesn't attend college.[52]
Olson's literature review and research (2014) explores the unfamiliarity FGCS face when they navigate through their postsecondary education and the fact that they usually do this on their own.[53]
Olson cites how FGCS have been found to enter college with the expectation that it will lead to a high-paying or prestigious job, which are not guaranteed outcomes. Brooks-Terry (1998) explores FGCS go into college with faulty expectations and struggle with "double assignment",[54] which entail handling their courses while also learning and understanding the college lifestyle in general. Orbe (2008) explains that FGCS' understanding of the college culture becomes a "multidimensional identity negotiation"[55] against their home culture. FGCS have to acknowledge how they change in college while also relating that to their experiences with family and friends. Orbes mentions how FGCS might not even notice this, but their family and friends will acknowledge this change.[55] The challenge comes with the accusations that the student has changed or is not remaining true to their culture, which further complicates their identity and belief in their potential to succeed.
Additionally, Olson addresses the obstacles the FGCS faces when wanting to move out. London (1989) explains how families of FGCS assign roles[56] to keep them grounded to their families. Families may delegate the FGCS as the example for other members of the family, or keep them at home so they can remain reliant on family. Their success then becomes validated by family approval as well as by completing their own goals.
Furthermore, Olson applies social cognitive career theory (SCCT) when exploring self-efficacy in more depth. Bandura (1986) says that self-efficacy and success of FGCS may be "learned"[57] by watching their peers fail in college. It is likely that their perspectives are not accurate, and their families lack of education experience negatively reinforces the notion that they will not succeed. Gibbons and Borders (2010) highlight that while FGCS may overcome many obstacles, they still have the notion that they are not as successful as they should have been.[58] Regardless, SCCT predicts that if a FGCS has strong family support, they are more likely to believe in their personal goals and path to higher education and a stronger sense of self-efficacy.
Impostor syndrome or phenomenon[edit]
Research has found that first-generation college students experience of imposter syndrome (IP) at higher rates than their continuing-generation peers.[59][60] Initially coined as the "impostor phenomenon" by Pauline Clance and Joe Langford in 1978 to describe the "internal experience of intellectual phoniness" among high-achieving women in the workplace,[61] impostor syndrome has been attributed as the reason that many first-generation college students feel that they do not belong in postsecondary education and/or do not have the skills or intelligence to complete their studies.[62] First-generation college students who struggle with impostor syndrome often cite feeling that their classes are highly competitive and that their continuing-generation peers may "find out" that they are not as capable, as skilled, or as intelligent as they may be perceived.[63] IP perceptions can be influenced depending on the student's familial background. According to research, first-generation students are generally less academically prepared for college because they do not have the guidance by their parents. In return, they develop lower self-esteem and lower ambitions to complete their degree because they feel pressurized by the burden of attaining social norms and succeeding.[64]
In The Journal of Higher Education, Ernest Pascarella et al. reiterate the fact that first-generation students have a hard time completing their higher education due to their constant struggle of comparing themselves with their counterpart, students who have parents with a degree.[65] The feelings of inadequacy or feeling like a fraud can be overpowering and mentally limit a student from achieving their best. When first-generation students can't find a support system at home, they feel lonely and go into a state of attrition. Martinez et al. emphasize in their article that "low parental education predicts attrition".[64]
Impostor syndrome has been observed to have detrimental effects on the academic, social, and emotional wellbeing of first-generation college students. Impostor syndrome has been identified as a barrier to the engagement, performance, and retention of first-generation college students,[63] with some studies finding that impostor feelings can predict students' academic performance (including course engagement, attendance, withdraw/dropout intentions, and grades),[63] as well as their social integration and emotional health.[61][66]
Educators and institutions can help these students overcome their fears with the right resources if they were put into place. Joel Bothello and Thomas J. Roulet, authors of The Imposter Syndrome, or the Mis-Representation of Self in Academic Life, state, "higher education establishments need to change their incentive systems. Scholars need to be encouraged to act less as mercenaries and more as public intellectuals, loyal to institutions that promote and cherish a holistic contribution".[67]
Most research tasks postsecondary institutions with addressing impostor feelings among first-generation college students through a two-pronged approach of mental health and institutional supports.[68][69][70][71][72]
Family achievement guilt[edit]
Family achievement guilt is defined by Rebecca Covarrubias, Andrea Romero, and Michael Trivelli as a student's feeling of guilt caused by having more academic opportunities and success compared to other family members.[79] Geraldine Piorkowski has used the term "survivor's guilt" to describe these emotions after examining the impact of attending college on low-income, African American first-generation college students, as they felt like their academic success meant that they were abandoning their family and difficult home conditions.[79]
Studies on family achievement guilt have reported that minority students are more likely to be the first in their family to attend college than non-minority students and that they are prone to feelings of guilt over prior generations' inability to pursue further education due to a variety of factors. As a result, these students are more likely to attempt to hide or downplay their scholastic achievements, which can lead to the students becoming depressed.[79] The students living on what they perceive as "luxurious campuses" have also reported feeling guilt, particularly if their family members continue to experience suffering.[80] Covarrbuias et al. have suggested that depression and family achievement guilt can be lessened by students reflecting on times they helped their family.[81]
Most first generation college students (FGCS) feel the guilt of achieving great success in college because most of their parents did not even finish elementary school, middle school, high school or any post secondary education. They face unique psychological challenges[82] according to associate professor of Education Linda Banks-Santilli in an article published in The Washington Post. This is something that is common among minority Latinx[82] families. The parents of first generation college students chose to sacrifice their education to come to another country to find better opportunities for themselves and for their future families. With that being said, some of FGCS are also looked down upon because their relatives are not getting or taking advantage of the same opportunities. Although some relatives are supportive, others are envious and judgmental and may be quick to judge when they see their cousins or other relatives taking advantage of the opportunities given to them. Some go as far to say that those who pursue the college route are a disgrace to the family name[82] because they are not following the traditions and are putting their immediate family into student debt.[82]
Supporting FGCS[edit]
The Institute for Higher Education (September 2012), provides an issue brief and describes how to support FGCS through classroom-based practices. First, faculty can be key allies as they are the key point of contact for students in the classroom. When faculty are encouraged by their institutions to uphold strong leadership roles in FGCS initiatives, the results are extremely beneficial. The issue brief has a very helpful graphic that breaks down the strategies faculty can use to help students[83] Additionally, the Institute for Higher Education (2012) identifies how it is crucial for institutions to examine barriers faced by FGCS and to redesign their curriculum to better serve these students.[83] Some possible approaches involve educators implementing tutoring programs and proving supplemental services to better serve this community. They can create an initiative to train faculty and instructors specially, while keeping in consideration the cultural obstacles these students may face. By identifying and integrating cultural characteristics into the way they serve FGCS, they are being more inclusive and creating stronger relationships between the students and faculty. There are also many educational interventions being put into place to proved more programs and opportunities for FGCS, including AVID, GEAR-UP, and other after school programs.
Because many Minority-Serving Institutions (MSI's) don't have a strong grasp on how many FGCS are on their campuses, they may not understand how to serve this community. The Institute for Higher Education (2012) emphasizes the need to use data (also known as evidence-based solutions) to support the efforts to strengthen programs to help FGCS.[83] Some methods include primarily identifying the number of FGCS and the qualitative and quantitative approaches to better serving the population. Schools can also use research models to not only design, but track the most effective practices that provide the utmost opportunities for FGCS. It is also important that teachers and counselors understand how these students define success, and how it may not be measurable or equivalent to an average student whose parents have not attended college before.
Although there are programs intact to help FGCS, The Council for Opportunity in Education states that these programs can only serve 11 percent of students.[83] The Institute for Higher Education also points out the obstacles that these programs may not be implemented early enough and may not necessarily be targeted only towards FGCS. If counselors, teachers, and administrators understand the cultural aspect that affects FGCS, they will have the tools necessary to take a holistic approach in proving these students with the specific help they need.