Katana VentraIP

New Order (Indonesia)

The New Order (Indonesian: Orde Baru, abbreviated Orba) describes the regime of the second Indonesian President Suharto from his rise to power in 1966 until his resignation in 1998. Suharto coined the term upon his accession and used it to contrast his presidency with that of his predecessor Sukarno (retroactively dubbed the "Old Order" or Orde Lama).

Immediately following the attempted coup in 1965, the political situation was uncertain, and Suharto's New Order found much popular support from groups wanting a separation from Indonesia's problems since its independence. The 'generation of 66' (Angkatan 66) epitomised talk of a new group of young leaders and new intellectual thought. Following Indonesia's communal and political conflicts, and its economic collapse and social breakdown of the late 1950s through to the mid-1960s, the "New Order" was committed to achieving and maintaining political order, economic development, and the removal of mass participation in the political process. The features of the "New Order" established from the late 1960s were thus a strong political role for the military, the bureaucratisation and corporatisation of political and societal organisations, and selective but brutal repression of opponents. Strident anti-communist, anti-socialist, and anti-Islamist doctrine remained a hallmark of the presidency for its subsequent 30 years.


Within a few years, however, many of its original allies had become indifferent or averse to the New Order, which comprised a military faction supported by a narrow civilian group. Among much of the pro-democracy movement that forced Suharto to resign in the 1998 Indonesian Revolution and then gained power, the term New Order has come to be used pejoratively. It is frequently employed to describe figures who were either tied to the Suharto period, or who upheld the practises of his authoritarian administration, such as corruption, collusion and nepotism (widely known by the acronym KKN: korupsi, kolusi, nepotisme).[1]

REPELITA I (1969–1974) focusing on agricultural improvements () to ensure food security

Green Revolution

REPELITA II (1974–1979) focusing on infrastructure on islands outside Java and growth in primary industries

REPELITA III (1979–1984) focusing on achieving food self-sufficiency and growth in export-oriented labour-intensive industry

REPELITA IV (1984–1989) focusing on growth in capital-good manufacturing

REPELITA V (1989–1994) focusing on growth in telecommunications, education, and transportation infrastructure

REPELITA VI (1994–1998, unfinished) focusing on infrastructure to support foreign investment and free trade[40][41]

[39]

Legacy[edit]

Shortly following the end of his New Order, Suharto was generally condemned and vilified. The early 2000s saw a substantial growth of democratic reform, reversing many of Suharto's authoritarian policies. Culturally, Indonesians also began to embrace a variety of freedoms beyond the political sphere in their personal lives (kebebasan).[74][75]


In later years, Suharto's rule has been remembered for its deadly repression, authoritarianism, and personal corruption as well as its government stability, considerable economic growth, and accompanying increases in the standard of living, creating strongly divided perceptions of Suharto and the New Order. Upon his death in 2008, Suharto was given a burial with full military honors, signalling a renewal in public support.[74][76][77]


Proposals to name Suharto a National Hero of Indonesia have been debated following his death. A resurgence of nostalgia for Suharto's reign among some Indonesians has been linked to discontent with modern political problems and the growth of younger generations born too late to experience the New Order. The 2024 election of former New Order general Prabowo Subianto as President of Indonesia signalled a turning point in perceptions of Suharto, as Prabowo paid tribute to Suharto in his victory speech. Opinion polls showed Prabowo's victory being heavily supported by younger voters.[78][79][80]

Booth, Anne and Peter McCawley (eds) 1981. The Indonesian economy during the Soeharto Era, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur.  0-19-580477-5

ISBN

. Press Release. International Monetary Fund. (31 October 1997)

Camdessus Commends Indonesian Actions

Colmey, John (24 May 1999). . TIME Asia. Archived from the original on 8 February 2001.

"The Family Firm"

Hill, Hal (1994) in Indonesia's New Order: The Dynamics of Socio-economic Transformation (Ed, Hal Hill), Allen & Unwin, Australia,  1-86373-229-2 pp56–57

ISBN

. Amnesty International. 27 November 1996. Archived from the original on 9 November 2005.

"Indonesia: Arrests, torture and intimidation: The Government's response to its critics"

. Commanding Heights. Retrieved 23 May 2005.

"Indonesia Economic"

McGregor, Katharine E., History in Uniform. Military Ideology and the Construction of Indonesia’s Past, Leiden 2007, , ISBN 978-9971-69-360-2

KITLV

. World Bank. 1993. Archived from the original on 23 March 2007.

"Public Expenditures, Prices and the Poor"

Simpson, Brad (9 July 2004). . National Security Archive.`

"Indonesia's 1969 Takeover of West Papua Not by "Free Choice""

. Inside Indonesia. April–June 1999. Archived from the original on 25 May 2000.

"Tapol Troubles: When Will They End?"

Toer, Pramoedya Ananta (2000). The Mute's Soliloquy : A Memoir. Penguin.  0-14-028904-6.

ISBN

Wanadi, Jusuf (2012). Shades of Grey: A Political Memoir of Modern Indonesia 1965-1998. Equinox publishing, Singapore.  978-979-378-092-4.

ISBN

Watson, C.W. (Bill), Of Self and Injustice. Autobiography and Repression in Modern Indonesia, Leiden 2006, , ISBN 9971-69-369-0

KITLV

at the International Institute of Social History — Collection of interviews with Indonesian exiles, on political roles and personal experiences before and after 30 September 1965.

Oral History Collection In Search of Silenced Voices