Chinese Indonesians
Chinese Indonesians (Indonesian: Orang Tionghoa Indonesia), or simply Orang Tionghoa or Tionghoa,[7] are Indonesians whose ancestors arrived from China at some stage in the last eight centuries. Chinese Indonesians are the fourth largest community of Overseas Chinese in the world after Thailand, Malaysia, and the United States.
"Cindo" redirects here. For a person with six fingers, see Polydactyly. For notable Chinese Indonesians, see List of Chinese Indonesians.
Chinese people and their Indonesian descendants have lived in the Indonesian archipelago since at least the 13th century. Many came initially as sojourners (temporary residents), intending to return home in their old age.[8] Some, however, stayed in the region as economic migrants. Their population grew rapidly during the colonial period when workers were contracted from their home provinces in Southern China. Discrimination against Chinese Indonesians has occurred since the start of Dutch colonialism in the region, although government policies implemented since 1998 have attempted to redress this. Resentment of ethnic Chinese economic aptitude grew in the 1950s as Native Indonesian merchants felt they could not remain competitive. In some cases, government action propagated the stereotype that ethnic Chinese-owned conglomerates were corrupt. Although the 1997 Asian financial crisis severely disrupted their business activities, reform of government policy and legislation removed most if not all political and social restrictions on Chinese Indonesians.
The development of local Chinese society and culture is based upon three pillars: clan associations, ethnic media and Chinese-language schools.[9][10] These flourished during the period of Chinese nationalism in the final years of China's Qing dynasty and through the Second Sino-Japanese War; however, differences in the objective of nationalist sentiments brought about a split in the population. One group supported political reforms in China, while others worked towards improved status in local politics. The New Order government (1967–1998) dismantled the pillars of ethnic Chinese identity in favor of assimilation policies as a solution to the so-called "Chinese Problem".
The Chinese Indonesian population of Java accounts for nearly half of the group's national population. They are generally more urbanized than Indonesia's indigenous population but significant rural and agricultural communities still exist throughout the country. Declining fertility rates have resulted in an upward shift in the population pyramid, as the median age increases. Emigration has contributed to a shrinking population and communities have emerged in more industrialized nations in the second half of the 20th century. Some have participated in repatriation programs to the People's Republic of China, while others emigrated to neighboring Singapore, Taiwan, and Western countries to escape anti-Chinese sentiment.[11] Among the overseas residents, their identities are noticeably more Indonesian than Chinese.[12]
Classification[edit]
The term Chinese Indonesian has never been clearly defined, especially for the period before 1900. There was no Indonesian identity or nationality before the 20th century. The ethno-political category Han Chinese was also poorly defined before the rise of modern Chinese nationalism in the late 19th century. At its broadest, the term Chinese Indonesian is used to refer to anyone from, or having an ancestor from, the present-day territory of China and Taiwan. This usage is problematic because it conflates Han Chinese with other ethnic groups under Chinese rule. For instance, Admiral Zheng He (1371–1433), who led several Chinese maritime expeditions into Southeast Asia, was a Muslim from Yunnan and was not of Chinese ancestry, yet he is generally characterized as Chinese. This broad use is also problematic because it prioritizes a line of descent from China over all other lines and may conflict with an individual's own self-identity. Many people who identify as Chinese Indonesian are of mixed Chinese and Indonesian descent. Indonesia's 4th president Abdurrahman Wahid (1940–2009) is of Arab, Chinese, and Javanese ancestry.[13][14]
Some narrower uses of the term focus on culture, defining as Chinese Indonesian those who choose to prioritize their Chinese ancestry, especially those who have Chinese names or follow aspects of Chinese religion or culture. Within this cultural definition, a distinction has commonly been made between peranakan and totok Chinese. Peranakan were generally said to have mixed Chinese and local ancestry and to have developed a hybrid culture that included elements from both Chinese and local cultures. Totoks were generally said to be first-generation migrants and to have retained a strong Chinese identity.
Other definitions focus on the succession of legal classifications that have separated Chinese from other inhabitants of the archipelago. Both the Dutch East India Company and the Dutch colonial government (from 1815) applied complex systems of ethnic classification to their subjects, based on religion, culture and place of origin. Chinese Indonesians were sometimes classified as Natives, sometimes as Chinese, sometimes as Foreign Orientals, a category that included Arabs, Indians and Siamese.[15] After independence, the community was divided between those who accepted Indonesian citizenship and those who did not. Under the New Order of President Suharto, citizens of Chinese descent were formally classified as "Indonesian citizens of foreign descent" (Warga Negara Indonesia keturunan asing). In public discourse, they were distinguished from native Indonesians as non-pribumi (lit., non-native).
Popular culture[edit]
Geography[edit]
Warung Buncit is name of an area in South Jakarta (also known as Jalan AH Nasution) that took its origin from Chinese Indonesian profile name Bun Tjit. Zaenuddin HM wrote in his book 212 Asal-Usul Djakarta Tempo Doeloe[219] that the name was inspired by a warung (local shop) ran by a Chinese Indonesia name Bun Tjit (styled Buncit). The shop was so famous among the local that the locals began to call the area Warung Buncit (lit., Buncit's Shop). The area had been known as Warung Buncit ever since.
Honorifics[edit]
At present, a significant number of Indonesians, irrespective of their ethnic group, frequently use Chinese-derived kinship titles when addressing Chinese Indonesians.[220] These titles are typically used colloquially, and are more prevalent in areas with a significant population of Chinese Indonesians, such as Jakarta and Surabaya.
In everyday situations, one would often hear young Chinese Indonesian men being called koko or kokoh (shortened as ko or koh), derived from the Hokkien koko or Mandarin gēgē (哥哥, elder brother). On the other hand, young Chinese Indonesian women are typically addressed as cece or cici (shortened as ce or ci), stemming from jiějiě (姐姐, elder sister). Occasionally, young Chinese Indonesian men might also be called titi or ti, originating from the word Hokkien tîtî or Mandarin dìdì (弟弟, younger brother), and women may be referred to as meimei or meme, derived from the term mèimei (妹妹, younger sister). However, the latter is infrequently used, especially by strangers, and is typically reserved for Chinese Indonesians addressing a younger family member. Other kinship titles may include ai or ayi, derived from the Hokkien aî or Mandarin āyí (阿姨, aunt), used for addressing older women, and susuk (shortened as suk) derived from shūshu (叔叔, uncle), commonly used for addressing older men.
This is evident in various platforms, such as the youth organization and pageant for Chinese Indonesians, Koko Cici.[221] Additionally, many Chinese Indonesians have incorporated these titles into their social media, as used by popular content creators like, kokobuncit [222] and cecekuliner.[223]