Aftermath of the Iranian Revolution
Following the Iranian Revolution, which overthrew the Shah of Iran, in February 1979, Iran was in a "revolutionary crisis mode" from this time until 1982[3] or 1983[4] when forces loyal to the revolution's leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, consolidated power. During this period, Iran's economy and the apparatus of government collapsed; its military and security forces were in disarray.
Rebellions by Marxist guerrillas and federalist parties against Islamist forces in Khuzistan, Kurdistan, and Gonbad-e Qabus started in April 1979, some of them taking more than a year to suppress. Concern about breakdown of order was sufficiently high to prompt discussion by the US National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski over the danger of a Soviet invasion/incursion (the USSR sharing a border with Iran) and whether the US should be prepared to counter it.[5]
By 1983, Khomeini and his supporters had crushed the rival factions and consolidated power. Elements that played a part in both the crisis and its end were the Iran hostage crisis, the invasion of Iran by Saddam Hussein's Iraq, and the presidency of Abolhassan Banisadr.[3][4]
Conflicts amongst revolutionaries[edit]
It is generally agreed that while Khomeini had shrewdly assembled and kept together a broad coalition to overthrow the shah, it contained many mutually incompatible elements, "liberals of Mussadeq's old National Front, remnants of the communist Tudeh party, and the 'new left' movements, inspired by similar developments among Palestinian and Latin American youth ...",[6] all of whom who had differences among each other and none of whom were interested in Khomeini's plans for a theocracy.[7]
Khomeini's particularly contentious plan was for rule of Iran by Islamic jurists (a concept known as Velayat-e faqih), with himself as leader, a form of government that he had not mentioned in any public statements before taking power, and which it is thought would have been a political deal breaker for liberals, Muslim moderates, and supporters of Ali Shariati.[6]
With the fall of the Shah, the glue that unified the various ideological (religious, liberal, secularist, Marxist, and Communist) and class (bazaari merchant, secular middle class, poor) factions of the revolution—opposed to the Shah—was gone.[8] Different interpretations of the broad goals of the revolution (an end to tyranny, more Islamic and less American and Western influence, more social justice and less inequality) and different interests, vied for influence.
Some observers believe "what began as an authentic and anti-dictatorial popular revolution based on a broad coalition of all anti-Shah forces was soon transformed into a power-grab" by Islamic fundamentalists,[9] that significant support came from Khomeini's non-theocratic allies who had thought he intended to be more a spiritual guide than a ruler[10]—Khomeini being in his mid-70s, having never held public office, having been out of Iran for more than a decade, and having told questioners things like "the religious dignitaries do not want to rule."[11][12]
Another view was that although Khomeini may have needed elements of his broad coalition to overthrow the Shah, in the aftermath he had "overwhelming ideological, political and organizational hegemony,"[13] and non-theocratic groups never seriously challenged Khomeini's movement in popular support.[14]
Still another view, was held by Khomeini supporters (such as Hamid Ansari), who insist that Iranians opposed to the new ruling state were "fifth columnists" led by foreign countries attempting to overthrow the Iranian government.[15]
Khomeini and his loyalists in the revolutionary organizations prevailed, making use of unwanted allies,[16] (such as Mehdi Bazargan's Provisional Revolutionary Government), and eliminating one-by-one with skillful timing both them and their adversaries from Iran's political stage,[17] and implemented Khomeini's velayat-faqih design for an Islamic Republic led by himself as Supreme Leader.[18]
Concern about foreign interference[edit]
Marxist guerrillas and federalist parties revolted against Islamist forces in some regions comprising Khuzistan, Kurdistan, and Gonbad-e Qabus. which resulted in fighting between them and the Islamic forces. These revolts began in April 1979 and lasted for several months to more than a year, depending on the region.
In May 1979, the Furqan Group (Guruh-i Furqan) assassinated an important lieutenant of Khomeini, Morteza Motahhari.[34]
Recently published documents show that United States was afraid of those revolts. National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski discussed with his staff about a possible American invasion of Iran by using Turkish bases and territory if the Soviets would decide to repeat the Afghanistan scenario in Iran.[5] (Like Iran, Afghanistan shared a border with the USSR. The Soviets invaded it in 1979 and lost over 14,000 troops before withdrawing ten years later. The Soviets had also occupied northern Iran for over four years during World War II.)
Establishment of Islamic Republic Government[edit]
Referendum of 12 Farvardin[edit]
On March 30 and 31 1979 (Farvardin 10, 11) a referendum was held over whether to replace the monarchy with an "Islamic Republic"—a term not defined on the ballot. Supporting the vote and the change were the Islamic Republican Party, Iran Freedom Movement, National Front, Muslim People's Republic Party, and the Tudeh Party. Urging a boycott were the National Democratic Front, Fadayan, and several Kurdish parties.[35] Khomeini called for a massive turnout, and most Iranians supported the change.[35] Following the vote, the government announced that 98.2% had voted in favor,[35] and Khomeini declaring the result a victory of "the oppressed ... over the arrogant."[36]
Iran–Iraq War[edit]
In September 1980, Iraq, whose government was Sunni Muslim and Arab nationalist, invaded Shia Muslim Iran in an attempt to seize the oil-rich province of Khuzestan and destroy the revolution in its infancy. In the face of this external threat, Iranians rallied behind their new government. The country was "galvanized"[50] and patriotic fervor helped to stop and reverse the Iraqi advance. By early 1982 Iran had regained almost all the territory lost to the invasion.
Like the hostage crisis, the war served as an opportunity for the government to strengthen Islamic revolutionary ardor at the expense of its remaining allies-turned-opponents, such as the MEK.[51] The Revolutionary Guard grew in self-confidence and numbers. The revolutionary committees asserted themselves, enforcing blackouts, curfews, and vehicle searches for subversives. Food and fuel rationing cards were distributed at mosques, "providing the authorities with another means for ensuring political conformity."[52] While enormously costly and destructive, the war "rejuvenate[d] the drive for national unity and Islamic revolution" and "inhibited fractious debate and dispute" in Iran.[53]