Katana VentraIP

Insurgency

An insurgency is a violent, armed rebellion by small, lightly armed bands who practice guerrilla warfare against a larger authority.[1][2][3] The key descriptive feature of insurgency is its asymmetric nature: small irregular forces face a large, well-equipped, regular military force state adversary.[4] Due to this asymmetry, insurgents avoid large-scale direct battles, opting instead to blend in with the civilian population (mainly in the countryside) where they gradually expand territorial control and military forces.[4] Insurgency frequently hinges on control of and collaboration with local populations.[4][5]

"Insurgent" and "Insurgence" redirect here. For other uses, see Insurgent (disambiguation).

An insurgency can be fought via counter-insurgency warfare, as well as other political, economic and social actions of various kinds.[6] Due to the blending of insurgents with the civilian population, insurgencies tend to involve considerable violence against civilians (by the state and the insurgents).[4] State attempts to quell insurgencies frequently lead to the infliction of indiscriminate violence, whereas rebel control of territory frequently involves violence against the civilian population.[5] Insurgency sets itself apart from terrorism by aiming for political control rather than resorting to indiscriminate violence,[7] however, it may incorporate terrorist tactics.


Where a revolt takes the form of armed rebellion, it may not be viewed as an insurgency if a state of belligerency exists between one or more sovereign states and rebel forces. For example, during the American Civil War, the Confederate States of America was not recognized as a sovereign state, but it was recognized as a belligerent power, and thus Confederate warships were given the same rights as United States warships in foreign ports.[8][9][10]


Sometimes there may be two or more simultaneous insurgencies (multipolar) occurring in a country. The Iraq insurgency is one example of a recognized government[a] versus multiple groups of insurgents. Other historic insurgencies, such as the Russian Civil War, have been multipolar rather than a straightforward model made up of two sides. During the Angolan Civil War there were two main sides: MPLA and UNITA. At the same time, there was another separatist movement for the independence of the Cabinda region headed up by FLEC. Multipolarity extends the definition of insurgency to situations where there is no recognized authority, as in the Somali Civil War, especially the period from 1998 to 2006, where it broke into quasi-autonomous smaller states, fighting among one another in changing alliances.

Insurgency and civil wars[edit]

According to James D. Fearon, wars have a rationalist explanation behind them, which explains why leaders prefer to gamble in wars and avoid peaceful bargains.[14] Fearon states that intermediate bargains can be a problem because countries cannot easily trade territories with the spread of nationalism.[14] Furthermore, wars can take the form of civil wars. In her article Why Bad Governance Leads to Civil Wars, Barbara F. Walter has presented a theory that explains the role of strong institutions in preventing insurgencies that can result in civil wars. Walter believes that institutions can contribute to four goals.[15]


Institutions are responsible for checking the government, creating multiple peaceful routes to help the government solve problems, making the government committed to political terms that entails preserving peace, and creating an atmosphere where rebels do not need to form militias.[15] Furthermore, Walter adds that if there is a conflict between the government and the insurgents in the form of a civil war, that can bring about a new government that is accountable to a wider range of people, who have to commit to a compromise in political bargains. According to Walter, the presence of strong influential institutions can be beneficial to prevent the repetition of civil wars, but autocratic governments are less likely to accept the emergence of strong institutions because of their resulting constraint of governmental corruption and privileges.


In her book, Insurgent Collective Action and Civil War in Salvador, Elisabeth Jean Wood explains that participants in high-risk activism are very aware of the costs and benefits of engaging in civil wars.[16] Wood suggests that "participants in the 1964 Freedom Summer campaign in the US South ran high risks of bodily harm in challenging the long-standing practices of racial exclusion in Mississippi." There are many selective incentives that encourage insurgency and violent movements against autocratic political regimes. For example, the supply of safety as a material good can be provided by the insurgents, which abolishes the exploitation of the government and thus forms one of the main incentives. The revolutionary power can help manifest a social-political network that in return provides access to political opportunities to diverse candidates, who share a collective identity and cultural homogeneity. Also, civil wars and insurgencies can provide employment and access to services and resources that were once taken over by the autocratic regimes.[16]

Cooperation can be based on trust and common values: one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter.

A definition of terrorism exists that can be accepted by all.

Intelligence can be freely shared.

Other states can be counted on to keep information secure and use it to mutual advantage.

International institutions are secure and trustworthy.

Internal instability and security issues do not require compartmentation and secrecy at national level.

The "war on terrorism" creates common priorities and needs for action.

Global and regional cooperation is the natural basis for international action.

Legal systems are compatible enough for cooperation.

Human rights and rule of law differences do not limit cooperation.

Most needs are identical.

Co-operation can be separated from financial needs and resources.

Media related to Insurgency at Wikimedia Commons

by Ben Connable, Martin C. Libicki

How Insurgencies End