Umbrella Movement
The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動) was a political movement that emerged during the 2014 Hong Kong protests.[2][3][4] Its name arose from the use of umbrellas as a tool for passive resistance to the Hong Kong Police's use of pepper spray to disperse the crowd during a 79-day occupation of the city demanding more transparent elections, which was sparked by the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China (NPCSC) of 31 August 2014 that prescribed a selective pre-screening of candidates for the 2017 election of Hong Kong's chief executive.[5][6]
This article is about the political movement in Hong Kong. For related protests in Hong Kong also known as the Umbrella Revolution, see 2014 Hong Kong protests. For the 2019 book, see The Umbrella Movement: Civil Resistance and Contentious Space in Hong Kong.Date
28 September – 15 December 2014 (79 days)
Occupy Central Movement
China's decision to rule out full universal suffrage in Hong Kong
Civil Disobedience Movement
雨傘運動
雨伞运动
Yǔsǎn Yùndòng
Yǔsǎn Yùndòng
Yü-san Yün-tung
Yi3san4 Yun4tung4[1]
Yúhsaan Wahnduhng
Jyu5saan3 Wan6dung6
The movement consisted of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 26 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace (OCLP) are groups principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision. Since the start of the 2014 protests, movement activists have complained of harassment from political opponents "alarmingly similar to the way mainland Chinese activists and their families have long been targeted"[7] and have been prosecuted and jailed for their participation in acts of protest.
Name[edit]
The name 'Umbrella Revolution' was coined by Adam Cotton on Twitter on 26 September 2014, in reference to the umbrellas used for defense against police pepper spray, and quickly gained widespread acceptance after appearing in an article in The Independent on 28 September reporting the use of teargas against protestors that day.[8][9][10][11][12] The name, Umbrella Revolution, was later rejected by some prominent members and supporters of the Occupy Central campaign, fearing that the movement would be mistaken as espousing violent overthrow of government. They emphasized that the movement was not a colour revolution but rather a demand for free and fair elections, and proposed the name 'Umbrella Movement' as an alternative.[13][14][15][16]
Since there was no explicit leadership or formal organisation for the movement, both names have been used by participants from time to time. Those promoting more than merely peaceful protest, such as members of Civic Passion, prefer not to use the name "Umbrella Movement".
The movement was composed of many fractious groups, but has no leadership or formal organisation overall, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students (HKFS), Occupy Central with Love and Peace (OCLP) are among the most prominent groups, whose agendas differ and may even oppose each other.[30] Although the term "Occupy Central" was often used interchangeably in the press to describe the protests and the movement, OCLP declared themselves as supporters rather than the organisers of the protest, stated that the ongoing protest "[was] the Umbrella Movement, not 'Occupy Central'".[31] Colours and members of the following groups have been regularly seen on site during the occupation:
Background[edit]
Hong Kong was a part of the former British Empire. In 1997, control of the city was handed over to China, known as the handover of Hong Kong. When this control of Hong Kong was handed over to China there was a special agreement made called "one country, two systems". This agreement was made to ensure that Hong Kong had some independence from China.[32]
Philosophical principles[edit]
OCLP, the originators of the campaign, as well as the student groups – HKFS and Scholarism – adopted and adhered to the principle of non-violent civil disobedience and the willingness to assume the consequential legal responsibility.[33] The protesters' politeness, tidiness and "staunch adherence to nonviolence" was widely commented on.[34][35][36][37][38] Protesters have written signs to apologise for the inconvenience caused and to denounce isolated incidents of vandalism.[39]
The civil disobedience actions opened up debate within and outside Hong Kong as to its effect on the rule of law.[40][41][42]
Factional philosophical and tactical differences[edit]
Important philosophical and tactical differences between the students and OCLP have been noted.[30][43][44] While the 3-day OCLP civil disobedience was due to start on 1 October to send a message without causing major disruption, students wanted immediate occupation and staged a sit-in on 26 September. OCLP's hand was effectively forced by the turn of events, and their proclamation of the start of the civil disobedience campaign met with widespread criticism that the action was not "Occupy Central".[45] OCLP's goal from the outset was passive resistance campaign of a defined duration, after which they would surrender to the police; their plan was not to resist removal or clearance, but there was radical sentiment of students and others to resist and escalate.[45][46] The scale of the protests exceeded the expectations of most people, including the groups involved, and after police manifestly failed to contain and control the gathering crowds even through use of tear gas on 28 September,[47] demonstrators did not heed the advice of the HKFS and others to de-escalate to avoid the possibility of use of heavier weapons.[48][49]
After the Mong Kok occupiers and occupation site were attacked by anti-occupation protesters, OCLP leader, University of Hong Kong professor Benny Tai, as well as Lester Shum of the HKFS and Agnes Chow of Scholarism, urged immediate retreat from Mong Kok to regroup at Admiralty to avoid violence and bloodshed, but their calls were not heeded.[50][51] As another example of tactical divisions, not-so-passive occupiers re-seized the Mong Kok encampment after it was initially cleared by police.[45] The divisions within the movement appear to have been most marked at the Mong Kok occupation site, where a left–right split followed the central divide on Nathan Road. Student groups and liberal NGOs mostly occupy the western carriageway, while groups with a more radical agenda urging more direct and confrontational protest actions sited themselves on the eastern side of the road.[52] Civic Passion, which denigrates moderates and has even denounced student leaders as "useless", saw its influence in the movement increase as time went by as ordinary suffragists drifted back to their daily lives.[52]
"The Straits Times" noted that, after 33 days of occupation, the two sides seemed to be entrenched in the impasse and hawks gaining the upper hand while moderates leaving. Tai and fellow OCLP leader Chinese University of Hong Kong professor Chan Kin-man left due to exhaustion from attempting to exert a moderating influence on the more radical members of HKFS and hardline groups; third parties that acted as mediators were sidelined. Civic Party legislator Ronny Tong said: "Any suggestion that they leave [is] not a matter of rational discussion any more".[53]
Members of radical group Civic Passion broke into a side-entrance to the Legislative Council Complex in the early hours of 19 November, breaking glass panels with concrete tiles and metal barricades.[54][55] Legislator Fernando Cheung and other suffragists tried to stop the radical activists, but were pushed aside.[33][55][56] The break-in was criticised by all the three activist groups of the protests, and legislators from both the pan-democracy and pro-Beijing camps,[33][55][56] although the criticism from the student groups was less than categorical.[57] The team organising legal assistance declined to help those arrested in the attempted break-in because the violence was not compatible with the principles of the movement.[33][58][59] Tactical divergences have caused disagreement between some more "front line" activists and organizational core (大台/大會) when the latter came under criticism for preventing excursions or escalations of the former.[60] After a failed attempt to block off access to government headquarters overnight on 30 November 2014, OCLP leader Benny Tai urged a full withdrawal to avoid any further physical harm by "out of control" police commanded by "a government that is beyond reason".[43][61] On the day the OCLP trio surrendered to the police, Scholarism leader Joshua Wong and two others had entered a hunger strike.[62]
Demographics[edit]
According to a survey of 1562 people between 20 and 26 October at the occupied sites by two young academics published on Ming Pao, over three-quarters of the respondents were aged between 18 and 39 years of age; 37 percent of respondents were aged 24 years or below. Only 26 percent are students, while 58 percent are self-employed or white collar workers. 56 percent were educated to university or post-graduate level. In terms of motivation, 87 percent of respondents demand "real universal suffrage", 68 percent felt that their grievances were being ignored by the government, and 51 percent were angry at the police handling of the protests overall. 15 percent of respondents had never participated in any protests or social movements prior to the September protests.[63]
Notwithstanding, the movement is considered very much a student movement, a defining moment where an entire generation of youths have experienced political awakening similar to the Californian Summer of Love in 1967. Hong Kong youth are seen to have broken out of a cramped or cosy domestic environment into a community built around a cause, and held together with a sense of danger.[64] Journals and documentaries have commented on the sexual politics, and remarked at the changing sexual stereotypes the movement has brought to the city, noting that females appear to be emerging from the undercurrent that women are expected to adhere to their domestic roles, and taking more leadership roles in society.[65][66] Many of the city's once-spoilt youngsters have learned self-discipline and to live within a community, and playing a role that may include janitorial tasks.[67]
The three street camps across Hong Kong have their own distinctive character. Umbrella Square (Admiralty site), was largely dominated by students, seen to be loftier and more idealistic, and its ambiance was likened to Woodstock. Mong Kok, being a typically more working-class neighbourhood, occupation was regarded as being more earthy and more volatile. Causeway Bay, the smallest encampment with only about a dozen tents towards the end of the occupation, had a reputation for earnestness.[68]
Umbrella art strung between two footbridges
The Umbrella Installation on the Tim Mei Avenue
Art works and installations have appeared at protest sites, attracting interest from the world's media. These include the walls of the circular staircase leading up to the pedestrian skybridge near the entrance of Hong Kong's Central Government Office covered with multi-coloured post-it notes bearing messages of good cheer or defiance, named the "Lennon Wall" after the Lennon Wall in Prague, Czech Republic. John Lennon's song "Imagine" is often quoted on pro-democracy posters and banners, and became one of the anthems of the occupation.[91][92] In addition to the use of traditional protests songs, banners, logos for the movement, installations and sculptures of all sizes have been created, including 'Umbrella Man', an iconic 3-metre statue created out of wood blocks, with an arm outstretched holding an umbrella.[93][94][95][96][97][98][99] The umbrella and the yellow ribbon have inspired a large number of memes.[92] The 28-metre banner hung on Lion Rock also inspired numerous memes, and a 3D scale model.[100][101][102] An image of Xi Jinping holding an umbrella that won a top photojournalism award in China inspired another bout of meme-creation, and has appeared on banners and cardboard cut-outs.[103] There are efforts to preserve the art, but the city's government-funded museums are uncooperative.[104]
Mobile protests[edit]
Fearing re-occupation of the Mong Kok occupation site, in excess of 4,000 police were deployed to the area.[105][106] Large crowds, ostensibly heeding a call from Chief Executive C. Y. Leung to return to the shops affected by the occupation, have appeared nightly in and around Sai Yeung Choi Street South (close to the former occupied site); hundreds of armed riot police charged demonstrators with shields, pepper spraying and wrestling a string of them to the ground. Protesters intent on "shopping" remained until dawn.[105][106] Nightly shopping tours continued in Mong Kok, tying up some 2500 police officers, ostensibly at the behest of C. Y. Leung to help restore the economy of the once-occupied areas.[107] The minibus company that took out the Mong Kok injunction (a restraining order from the court to stop protesters occupying roads in the district) was in turn accused of having illegally occupied Tung Choi Street for years.[108]
On Christmas Eve, 250 protesters marched from Southorn Playground to Civic Square. Around 7:00 pm, 500 "shopping" (referred to as "gau wu" by participants) protesters with yellow banners and umbrellas, gathered in Shantung Street, then Argyle Street and Nathan Road. Ten men and two women aged between 13 and 76 were arrested. In Causeway Bay, people hung a yellow banner on the Times Square clock tower. The banner was removed by the police. No arrests were made as the protesters were on private property. A group of students hung a banner on Lennon Wall.[109][110][111][112][113] About 30 people had been arrested.[114]
"Rule of law" discourse[edit]
The rule of law is a pillar of Hong Kong society and a core value of Hong Kong. In an ongoing discussion since the beginning of the movement, there have been polarised definitions of "rule of law" as applied to the civil disobedience movement.[115] The local government and Chinese state officials and media have repeatedly emphasised the aspect pertaining to obedience and respect of laws and pronounced on the illegality of the movement's occupation and protests, while pan democrats see the concept as being about the law as check and balance against absolute power of government.[116] Even in a policy speech one month after the end of the occupation, the Chief Executive once again stated that the Umbrella movement has jeopardised the rule of law and risked plunging the territory into a state of anarchy.[117][118][119] The tendency of the government preface with such mentions was noted in the speech of the outgoing chairman of the local Bar association, Paul Shieh, who spoke of his concern over "an increasing tendency on the part of the executive in Hong Kong, in its public statements, to emphasise the 'obey the law' aspect of the Rule of Law" in a way that mirrors practice on the mainland.[117][120] Secretary of Justice Rimsky Yuen blamed the movement for "large-scale as well as sporadic unlawful activities that [bring] about blatant challenges to the rule of law".[121] However, the Chief Justice Geoffrey Ma said people involved in the Occupation Movement have "demonstrated the respect that most people have for the rule of law and emphasised once again the pivotal position it occupies in our community". Ma reiterated that "It is no part of the courts' function to solve political questions, but only to determine legal questions even though the reason for bringing legal proceedings may be a political one."[121]
17 August 2017: Nathan Law, Joshua Wong, Alex Chow (L–R) at main entrance of the High Court before sentencing
20 August 2017; march in support of jailed Hong Kong activists
