Yam (god)
Yam (Ugaritic: 𐎊, romanized: Yammu; “sea”) was a god representing the sea and other sources of water worshiped in various locations on the eastern Mediterranean coast, as well as further inland in modern Syria. He is best known from the Ugaritic texts. While he was a minor deity in Ugaritic religion, he is nonetheless attested as a recipient of offerings, and a number of theophoric names invoking him have been identified. He also played a role in Ugaritic mythology. In the Baal Cycle he is portrayed as an enemy of the weather god, Baal. Their struggle revolves around attaining the rank of the king of the gods. The narrative portrays Yam as the candidate favored by the senior god El, though ultimately it is Baal who emerges victorious. Yam nonetheless continues to be referenced through the story after his defeat. In texts from other archaeological sites in Syria, attestations of Yam are largely limited to theophoric names. In Emar he was among the many deities venerated during a local festival, zukru, which took place once every seven years.
Not to be confused with Yama.
Yam was also known in Ancient Egypt, though there is no evidence that he was actively worshiped in ancient Egyptian religion. He plays a role in a myth preserved in the so-called Astarte Papyrus, which is presumed to be an adaptation of western motifs, though not necessarily of the Baal Cycle. Yam is portrayed as an enemy of the Ennead who demands a tribute from the other gods, while the eponymous goddess is tasked with bringing it to him. Set, who serves as a stand-in for Baal, is responsible for defeating him, though the outcome of their battle is only known from references in incantations, as the ending of the Astarte Papyrus is not preserved. Yam is also present in the Tale of Two Brothers.
In the Hebrew Bible, Yam appears as an enemy of Yahweh. It is presumed that his presence reflects a reference of a shared West Semitic tradition on early Israelite literature. A further possible reference to Yam has been identified in the Phoenician History of Philo of Byblos, a Hellenistic euhemeristic work combining Phoenician and Greco-Roman elements. One of the figures mentioned in this work, Pontos, is presumed to constitute a translation of Yam.
In comparative scholarship, Yam's role in the Baal Cycle is often analyzed alongside other myths from the region focused on battles between figures representing the weather and the sea. Historically the conflict with Tiamat in Enūma Eliš was seen as a close parallel, though in more recent scholarship differences between these two narratives and the respective roles of these figures have also been pointed out. Comparisons have also been made between Yam and Kiaše and Ḫedammu from Hurrian mythology.
Name and character[edit]
The theonym written as YM (𐎊𐎎) in the Ugaritic alphabetic script is vocalized in modern literature as Yam,[5] Yamm[6] or Yammu.[7] It is identical with the ordinary Ugaritic noun meaning “sea”.[8] Its use as a theonym in Ugaritic religion reflects the deification of the corresponding geographical feature.[9] Yam accordingly functioned as the deification of the sea.[6] He was also associated with other bodies of water.[10] It has been argued that in Ugaritic myths he is fully anthropomorphic.[11] However, no known sources describe his iconography.[1] Yam’s secondary name was Nahar, “River”.[10] His most common epithet, and the third most common epithet in the Ugaritic text corpus overall, is ṯpṭ nhr,[12] “judge River” or “ruler River”,[13] ṯpṭ being a cognate of Hebrew shophet.[14] It has been suggested that Nahar might have originally been a separate deity who eventually came to be conflated with Yam.[15] Aicha Rahmouni argues that the full epithet should be understood as a reference to river ordeal, in which she assumes he played a role comparable to the Mesopotamian god Idlurugu.[14] However, Herbert Niehr concludes that this title only reflected Yam’s mastery over freshwater, as river ordeal is not attested in sources from Ugarit.[4] Yam was also addressed as a “prince” (zbl),[16] though in ten out of eleven cases this title occurs only in parallel with ṯpṭ nhr.[17]
A cognate of Yam’s Ugaritic name has been identified in the Akkadian dialect used in Emar.[8] It was written in cuneiform as dYa-a-mi.[18] Cognate words referring to the sea occur in Phoenician, Aramaic, Hebrew and Arabic.[8] Furthermore, the early form wa-mu or wa-mu-um (/wammu(m)/) has also been identified in Eblaite.[19] It preserves an “archaic *w-prototype of this lexeme” predating the shift from w to y attested in Northwest Semitic languages.[20] As a loanword, the word yammu is also attested in Egyptian under a variety of spellings, typically as a designation for the Mediterranean Sea,[21] though it could function as a theonym too.[22]
In texts from Ugarit written in syllabic cuneiform, the sign sequence A.AB.BA, elsewhere read as the Akkadian word tâmtu, could be employed to write the ordinary word yammu as well as Yam’s name, as attested in a lexical text mentioning dA.AB.BA and by the logographic writing of the theophoric name ‘bdym, ÌR.A.AB.BA.[23] However, dA.AB.BA does not appear as an entry in any Mesopotamian god lists.[24] A figure whose name is written this way appears in the Myth of the Plough,[25] a text only known from a single late copy from either the Neo-Babylonian or Achaemenid period,[26] but she is female and has been characterized as dissimilar to Yam by Aaron Tugendhaft.[25]
In addition to functioning as a distinct theonym, the Ugaritic word ym is also attested as a part of one of the epithets of Athirat,[27] rbt ‘aṯrt ym, “Lady Athirat of the Sea”.[28] However, it is agreed that in this case the ordinary word is meant, rather than an allusion to an unknown myth involving Yam and this goddess.[29] Athirat’s association with the sea understood as a body of water rather than a deity is well attested, but its nature is poorly understood.[30] However, Steve A. Wiggins suggests that due to Yam’s primary role as a sea god, “his domain is probably not encroached upon by that of Athirat”.[31] Two literary passages which might refer to deities as bn ym, “son of the sea”, are also assumed to refer to the body of water rather than Yam.[32]
Other Syrian sources[edit]
Yam was worshiped by Amorites, though the occurrences of this theonym are in this case almost entirely limited to theophoric names.[132] Five of them have been identified among the 605 known from texts from western locations, such as the kingdoms of Qatna and Yamhad.[133] Examples include ‘Abdu-Yammim ("servant of Yam") from Tuttul,[134] ‘Adnī-Yammu ("Yam is my bliss") from Qatna,[135] and Yammu-qadum ("Yam is ancient") from Yamhad.[136] A reference to a Sutean named Yammi-’ila ("Yam is god") is also known.[137]
A foundation inscription of Mariote king Yahdun-Lim mentions that upon reaching the Mediterranean coast (kišād ti’amtim), he made an offering to the sea (a-a-ab-ba), and his troops bathed in its waters.[138] While the word is not written with the so-called divine determinative, it is presumed that a deity, specifically Yam, is nonetheless meant.[139] The same king also gave his son, Sûmu-Yamam, and possibly his daughter Ia-ma-ma, theophoric names invoking Yam.[140] Individuals bearing names such as Abdiyamm ("servant of Yam") and Ilym ("Yam is god") are also mentioned in texts from Mari.[141] According to Ryan D. Winters the god Emu (de-mu), who is described as "Nergal of Sūḫi" in the Mesopotamian god list Anšar = Anum, might also be identical with Yam; his association with Nergal would presumably reflect the latter's title lugala'abba,[142] "king of the sea".[143] However, it is also possible that Emu is instead related to another Mariote deity, the sparsely attested underworld god Âmûm (a-mu, a-mu-um or a-mi-im), whose name is not etymologically related to Yam's.[142]
Yam is also attested in sources from Emar.[144][4] An offering made jointly to him and a hypostasis of Ashtart (ša abi) is mentioned in the text of the zukru festival (tablet Emar 373+) in a section dealing with the distribution of lambs, wine and various types of bread to deities.[145] The zukru took place once every seven years.[146] It has a bigger scope than other attested celebrations known from Emar, and seemingly involved the entire pantheon of the city.[147]
While later Aramean and Luwian artifacts from the same region, for example a stele from Tell Ashara (Terqa) and reliefs from Malatya in modern Turkey, have been interpreted as evidence for familiarity with the motif of a battle between the sea and a weather god, related textual sources do not mention Yam.[148]
Hebrew Bible[edit]
A number of references to Yam have been identified in the Hebrew Bible.[148] It is presumed that they reflect the influence of a shared West Semitic tradition on early Israelite literature.[177] In this context, he is presented as an enemy of Yahweh.[178] Detailed descriptions of the subjugation of the sea can be found in Psalm 18:16, Psalm 74:13-14, Psalm 89:10 and Nahum 1:4.[179] Psalm 74:13 specifically praises Yahweh with the words "It was you who destroyed Yamm with your might."[180] Allusions to this motif are also present in other books, for example in Habakkuk 3:8, Psalm 46:3-4, Isaiah 51:15, Jeremiah 5:22 and 31:35.[179] A number of references to Yam are also present in the Book of Job,[148] for example in Job 7:12, Job asks “Am I Yamm or Tannin that you set a guard over me?”[180] However, according to Fritz Stolz this text reflects the period in which the tradition of Yahweh’s combat against the sea was vanishing.[179] Mark S. Smith and Wayne T. Pitard additionally interpret tĕhôm rabbâ, “the Great Deep” mentioned in Isaiah 51:10, as a reference to Yam.[181] A more speculative proposal is that since in Psalm 68:23, in the Masoretic Text the word “sea” (yām) is not provided with a definite article, it is used as a proper name and constitutes a reference to Yam, while the toponym Bashan present in the same line refers to a monster whose name would be cognate with Akkadian bashmu, with the passage originally referring to the “muzzling” (‘ešbōm) a personified body of water and a serpentine monster rather than “returning” (‘āšîb) from similarly named places.[182] It has also been suggested that the description of the interior of the Temple in Jerusalem in 1 Kings 5–8 might mention elements alluding to Yahweh’s victory over the sea, with the “molten sea” representing defeated Yam.[183]
Phoenician attestations[edit]
No references to Yam occur in any Phoenician inscriptions, though it has been proposed that he is mentioned by Philo of Byblos under the name Pontos.[4] Philo presented his account of Phoenician mythology, Phoenician History, as a Greek a translation of an original written by Sanchuniathon.[184] Today it is assumed to be a combination of elements from various Phoenician and Greco-Roman traditions.[185] Its character is euhemeristic,[186] and all mythical figures are presented as either mortals deified due to extraordinary achievements, or forces of nature.[187] Pontos is among the figures referred to as mortals.[188] He is described as a son of Nereus, which constitutes a reversal of the relation between the deities bearing these names in Greek mythology.[188] Most likely due to mistaken quotation, either by Philo from his sources or by Eusebius from Philo, Pontos is also described both as a grandson and a contemporary of Zeus Belos.[188] He is himself the father of two children, Poseidon and Sidon.[189] The latter most likely should be understood as an eponymous goddess of the city of Sidon.[190] Philo credits her with the invention of hymns,[189] but it is possible she was also a marine deity herself.[191] Ouranos waged war on Pontos with the help of Demarous, though the latter was unsuccessful and had to make an offering to the sea god to flee.[189] While attempts have been made to prove that Pontos should be understood as an ally of Kronos (El) in this context, there is no direct support for this proposal in the text.[192] In another passage Philo relays that Pontos’ mortal remains were consecrated in Byblos by Poseidon, the Kabeiroi, the Agrotai and the Halieis.[193] The basis for this passage is unknown, and while it has been compared to an account of the consecration of Osiris’ body in Byblos in Plutarch’s De Iside et Osiride, the location is not the same and a connection cannot be proven.[194]
The identification of Philo’s Pontos as a late version of Yam is supported by the account of his conflict with Demarous, corresponding to Baal, and by the analogous meaning of his name, which can be translated from Greek as “sea”.[195] Albert I. Baumgarten has proposed that Poseidon also corresponds to Yam, as according to him “a single Semitic deity might, in different places, be identified with different Greek gods and vice versa” in Philo’s writings.[188] However, as argued by Aaron J. Brody, the Phoenician deity whose interpretatio graeca was Poseidon, who is also attested in other sources, does not correspond to Yam.[196] His native identity remains unknown due to lack references in bilingual texts,[195] but he was most likely a protective deity of sailors.[197]
Comparative mythology[edit]
In past scholarship, the conflict between Yam and Baal in the Ugaritic Baal Cycle has been understood as a cosmogonic battle, as argued for example by Frank Moore Cross,[144] and as such has been compared to the Mesopotamian myth Enūma Eliš.[198] Multiple authors have described the battle between Yam and Baal as an example of the chaoskampf motif.[199] Researchers such as William F. Albright treated Yam and Tiamat as essentially analogous.[200] The scholarly consensus gradually started to shift in the 1990s, with objections occasionally made earlier, for example by Jonas C. Greenfield.[201] While the combat motif is shared by both myths, the Baal Cycle does not represent an example of a narrative focused on a younger generation of gods supplanting an older one.[202] In contrast with Tiamat, Yam was not understood as a primordial deity, but rather as an actively worshiped god belonging to the same generation as Baal.[203] As noted by Aaron Tugendhaft, the conflict in the Baal Cycle takes place within an already established hierarchy of deities, and while Baal acquires kingship by defeating Yam, his rule is not exclusive.[204] He is also not recognized as a king before this event, in contrast with Tiamat's opponent Marduk.[205] Additionally, the victory over Yam does not automatically make him the king of the gods, and he still must appeal to El to be granted a house like the other members of the pantheon.[206] Furthermore, he requires the help of Kothar-wa-Khasis and support of Ashtart to attain victory over Yam, something that finds no parallel in the story of Marduk.[207] Yam is also not portrayed as a cosmic threat, in contrast with Tiamat, and his actions do not threaten the divine council or the universe.[208] Brendan C. Benz has also argued that even the "chaoskampf" label is incorrect, as according to him the Baal Cycle does not revolve around a struggle against chaos, and Yam does not function as a force of disorder, but rather as a legitimate contender to the rank of king of the gods.[209] The battle of Yam and Baal also does not result in creation.[104] The scene of division of Tiamat’s body finds no parallel in Ugaritic literature.[210] Today the view that Baal Cycle is a cosmogony is generally no longer accepted,[211] and it is assumed that this composition and Enūma Eliš constitute examples of adaptations of a motif first attested in Mari.[212] In addition to the narrative differences, it has also been pointed out that in contrast with Yam, Tiamat was never understood as an actively worshiped deity and did not receive offerings.[211]
While no parallel to Yam has been identified among Mesopotamian deities, it has been pointed out that similarities exist between him and the Hurrian sea god, Kiaše.[213] In Hurrian offering list from Ugarit, he occupies a position comparable to Yam in these written in Ugaritic.[214] Furthermore, a myth focused on him, the Song of the Sea, deals with similar themes as the Yam section of the Baal Cycle.[215] Its central theme is the conflict between a weather god, Teššub, and the sea god.[216] The performance of the Song of the Sea was linked to the ritual role of Mount Saphon, referred to as Ḫazzi in this context.[215] Meindert Dijkstra additionally notes the Hurrian myth of Ḫedammu, a sea monster similarly portrayed as an enemy of the weather god, can be considered a close parallel of the conflict involving Yam in Ugaritic mythology.[3]